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Clemson Universit; 



3 1604 019 686 221 



EXCAVATIONS AT 





ARCHEOLOG 



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ARCHEOLOGICAL RESEARCH SERIES 9 



NATIONAL PARK SERVICE 
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, WASHINGTON, 1966 




EXCAVATIONS AT TSE-TA'A 

Canyon de Chelly National Monument • Arizona 



By Charlie R. Steen 



UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR 

Stewart L. Udall, Secretary 

NATIONAL PARK SERVICE 

George B. Hartzog, Jr., Director 

This publication is one of a series of research studies devoted to specialized topics which have 
been explored in connection with the various areas in the National Park System. It is printed 
at the Government Printing Office and may be purchased from the Superintendent of Documents, 
Government Printing Office, Washington D.C., 20402. Price $1. 75, (paper cover). 



NATIONAL 

PARK 

SERVICE 



ARCHEOLOGICAL RESEARCH SERIES 



1 Archeology of the Bynum Mounds, Mississippi . 

2 Archeological Excavations in Mesa Verde 
National Park, Colorado, 1950. 

3 Archeology of the Funeral Mound, Ocmul- 
gee National Monument, Georgia. 

4 Archeological Excavations at Jamestown, 
Virginia. 

5 The Hubbard Site and Other Tri-wall 
Structures in New Mexico and Colorado. 

6 Search for the Cittie of Ralegh, Archeological 
Excavations at Fort Raleigh National Historic 
Site, North Carolina. 

7 The Archeological Survey of Wetherill Mesa, 
Mesa Verde National Park, Colorado. 

8 A 17th Century Jumano Pueblo, Gran 
Quivira, New Mexico. 

9 Excavations at Tse-Ta'a, Canyon de Chelly 
National Monument, Arizona. 



FOREWORD 



During the summers of 1949 and 1950 the National Park Service undertook the excavation 
of a ruin at Canyon de Chelly National Monument, Ariz. The job was of an emergency nature 
during the first season of work, for the Rio de Chelly was cutting into its bank at that point and 
had already destroyed a major part of the ruin. 

The excavations revealed a long sequence of occupation at the site; nearly 1,500 years of 
human activity were represented in the various strata. As a result of the discovery of many 
important data in 1949, the excavations were continued the following summer to increase 
our knowledge of human history in the Canyon de Chelly area and to aid the monument 
interpretive program. 

It is a pleasure to add this volume to the body of archeological research reports which deal 
with work done in areas of the National Park System. We hope that it will be of value to all who 
are interested in Southwestern prehistory. 




DIRECTOR 



in 



ARCHEOLOGICAL RESEARCH SERIES 9 

EXCAVATIONS AT TSE-TA'A 

Canyon de Chelly National Monument • Arizona 

NATIONAL PARK SERVICE • U.S. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR 



IV 



CONTENTS 



INTRODUCTION 



THE EXCAVATIONS 



BASKETMAKER PERIOD 



PUEBLO I PERIOD 



PUEBLO II PERIOD 



PUEBLO III PERIOD 



LAST OF THE ANASAZI 

HOPI OCCUPATION 

NAVAJO OCCUPATION 



BURIALS 
POTTERY 



Page 
1 
2 
2 

4 

6 

7 
11 
11 
12 
23 
26 
29 
29 
31 
31 
33 
34 
37 
37 
40 
43 
43 
47 
53 
55 
59 
59 
61 
62 
64 
67 
71 
81 
83 
86 



91 
92 
92 
96 
96 
STONE AND SHELL OBJECTS 101 

101 
106 
BONE IMPLEMENTS 109 
110 
111 
112 
112 



Nomenclature 

Summary of Previous Work in Canyon 

de Chelly 
Summary of the History of Tse-ta'a 
Former Extent of the Site 
Concerning the Name "Tse-ta'a" 

Method 

Descriptions of Structures 

Structures 
Pottery 
Other Artifacts 

Structures 

Pottery 

Stone — Pueblo I or II 

Structures 
Pottery 

South Ruin Structures 
North Ruin Structures 



Structures 

Textiles 

Pottery 

Other Artifacts 

Objects of Doubtful Navajo Origin 



Basketmaker 

Pueblo I 

Pueblo II 

Pueblo III 

Corrugated Ware 

Associations of Types 

Miniature Vessels 

Ceramic Objects Other Than Vessels 

Stone 
Shell 

Awls 

Spatulate and Blunt Tools 

Dice or Gaming Pieces 

Miscellaneous 



CONTENTS-Conttnued 

Page 

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 115 

REFERENCES CITED 118 

APPENDIX 1. HUMAN SKELETAL 

MATERIAL FROM TSE-TA'a, 

BY ERIK K. REED 123 
APPENDIX 2. — DOGS FROM TSE-TA'a, 

BY WILLIAM G. HAAG 131 
APPENDIX 3. — THE FAUNAL RECORD, 
TSE-TA'A, BY THOMAS W. MATHEWS 137 

INDEX 155 



VI 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



Figure 1. Frontispiece: Tse-ta'a 

2. Map of ruins in Canyon de Chelly / 3 

3. Map of portion of the San Juan River System / 5 

4. Tse-ta'a: sources for the name / 8-9 

5. The site before excavation / 10 

6. Structures 13, 49, and 56 / 14-15 

7. Profile of 1949 excavations / 22 

8. Plans and profiles of Basketmaker pithouses / 24 

9. Structures 28 and 26 / 30 

10. Plan and profile of Pueblo I structures / 32 
;;. Structures 21 and 49 / 36 

12. Plans and profiles of Pueblo II structures / 38 

13. Structure 25 / 39, 40 

14. Plan and profile of south ruin, Pueblo III / 44-45 

15. Ground plan of north ruin, Pueblo III / 46-47 

16. Structures 45 and 50 / 49 

17. North ruin / 50 

18. Structures 55, 47, and 46/51 

19. Hopi pot and fragment of textile / 57 

20. Navajo textiles / 60-61 

21. Navajo figurines and pot / 63 

22. Navajo card, hearth, kitan, and arrow / 64-65 

23. Stick dice, oak leaves, and detail of hafted ax / 66-67, 68 

24. Burials 2, 8, and 9 / 73 

25. Burials 7, 17, and 10 / 74-75 

26. Burials 5 and 26 / 76-77 

27. Burial 29, button osteoma and femur / 78 

28. Burial 29, vertebra, mandible, and base of skull / 79 

29. Gray and corrugated vessels / 80, 84-85 

30. Kana'a Black-on -white vessels / 87 

31. Mancos Black-on-white olla / 89 

32. Mesa Verde Black-on-white bowl / 90 

33. Betatakin Black-on-white pitcher and Mesa Verde Black-on-white pitcher / 93, 94 

34. Miniature dipper and sherd discs / 96-97 

35. Pottery pipes / 99 

36. Mortar and pestle, and pestle and mano / 100 

37. Stone axes of hematite nodules / 102 

38. A variety of stone axes / 103 

39. Knives and scrapers / 104 

40. Hammerstones and calcite grinding slabs / 105 

41. Projectile points / 107 

42. Pendants and cylinder / 107 

43. Awls of split mammal bone and turkey bone / 108 

44. Bone tools and tube /111 

45. Bone dice / 112 

46. Pendant of split bone and bone arrow point / 113 

Plate I. Examples of modified skeletal elements from faunal collection / 145 




PHOTO BY FRANK McNITT 



INTRODUCTION 



T 

M se-t£ 



se-ta'a, an archeological site in Canyon de Chelly National Monument, Ariz., 
was first occupied during Basketmaker times and has been in sporadic use by people ever since. 
It is on the right bank of the Rio de Chelly, about 1% miles upstream from the White House 
Ruin and about a quarter of a mile below the mouth of Wild Cherry Canyon. Although the 
site is located in the same rincon in which Cosmos Mindeleff plotted his Site 26 (C. Mindeleff, 
1897, pi. XLIII), Tse-ta'a was missed, or at least not mentioned, by Mindeleff and others who, 
prior to 1948, described the ruins of Canyon de Chelly. This is understandable, for the site 
was quite insignificant in appearance before excavation. 

In 1948 David De Harport was engaged in an archeological survey of Canyon de Chelly 
(De Harport, 1950, 1951, 1953) and, near the base of a high, smooth, and slightly overhanging 
cliff, noted a number of pictographs and rectangular patches of plastered cliff face that indicated 
former rooms. Two low mounds, about 100 yards apart, were evident on the surface of the 
ground at the base of the cliff. Exposed on the vertical face of the cutbank near the more 
southerly mound were some hearths, ends of walls, and a burial. The stream was then cutting 
into the bank and threatening to destroy the lower (southern) portion of the site in a very short 
time. De Harport reported the incipient destruction to Superintendent Meredith M. Guillet, 
who asked the general superintendent of Southwestern National Monuments to allot funds for 
emergency work at the site. The result was that I went to the site during the summer of 1949 
to recover artifacts and information which were about to be destroyed. 

At the time I went to Tse-ta'a, I did not know whether it would take 2 weeks or 6 weeks to 

1 



make the necessary excavations. Only after the first 2 weeks of digging and considerable ex- 
ploratory trenching did I realize how large a site it was. The depth and extent of the remains 
showed that here, at a single comparatively small site, could be found evidences of all Anasazi 
periods (Reed, 1946), except possibly the earliest known (Basketmaker II), in the human occu- 
pation of Canyon de Chelly. This would enable us, with a single excavation project, to obtain 
information and materials which would be of great benefit to the interpretive program of the 
monument. Instead of 6 weeks, therefore, I worked from June 15 to October 10, 1949, and 
from July 15 to October 1, 1950. A large part of the site still remains unexcavated. 

De Harport gave a separate site number to each of the two mounds he saw: CC86 and 
CC87. Site CC86 was the southern mound and was the site into which the stream was cutting. 
Excavations showed that each of the mounds covered house walls of Pueblo III times; but, at 
the lowest level of human occupation, a single good-sized Basketmaker III settlement underlay 
both the later village sites. During the course of this report, I shall treat both of De Harport's 
sites as a single location. The deepest and most extensive excavation was made in the area he 
labeled CC86; at CC87 I did not get below the Pueblo III level. 

Nomenclature 

It should already be apparent that I am using the original Pecos classification for period 
descriptions. It has the advantages of simplicity and more common usage over other terminol- 
ogies which have been advocated for the classification of the prehistoric Anasazi cultural periods. 
Other classifications have been proposed, enjoyed popularity and then faded, but the Pecos 
system has persisted. At present, it seems to be in more common use than at any time since 
Roberts offered his revision (Roberts, 1935 and 1937), which is the second most frequently used 
system in the Southwest. 

The division of the occupational periods at the site was made principally on a basis of masonry 
and type of construction rather than by that familiar yardstick, the potsherd. There is a fallacy 
in the purely stratigraphic approach to a site such as Tse-ta'a, and this became evident as the 
work progressed. That is, stratigraphic studies of small artifacts are acceptable for middens 
which might be relatively undisturbed, and such studies may be applied to superimposed 
masonry walls or other such massive remains; but to attempt to make sense of associations of 
such objects as potsherds and tools within the area of a village with a long period of occupation 
is often a hopeless task. 

Here, Basketmaker and Pueblo I groups dug pithouses and storage cists, and later peoples 
excavated extensively for kivas, outdoor firepits, and storage chambers — sometimes apparently 
only to insure that the sherds from the site would be thoroughly mixed. 

Summary of Previous Work in Canyon de Chelly 

Canyon de Chelly has long been considered a most interesting archeological area, but 
surprisingly few reports have been published or systematic excavations done, either in the 
canyons or in the vicinity. A possible reason is that although any number of archeologists have 



been attracted to Canyon de Chelly and Canyon del Muerto, they seem to have gone primarily 
as sightseers, drawn by the magnificent vistas of the canyons as much as by the evidences of 
prehistoric life. (See figure 2.) 

The first published description of the ruins came as a result of a punitive expedition against 
the Navajo. In 1849 a detachment of troops, commanded by Col. John M. Washington, went 
from Santa Fe into the Navajo country and, among other places, camped for a time in the 
Chinle Valley. Lt. J. H. Simpson, who was with the party, explored a portion of the Rio de 
Chelly and prepared a report that was published in 1850 (Simpson, 1850, and Farmer, 1954). 
This firsthand account of the canyons and of some of the ruins therein served as the basis for 
most other descriptions of Canyon de Chelly until the 1880's. 



Figure 2. 




L. 



MUMMY CAVE 







WILD CHERRY 
RUIN 



In 1882 James Stevenson, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, examined, photographed, 
and described a number of ruins (1886a, 1886b). It was Stevenson who named Canyon del 
Muerto- — because of some desiccated bodies found at Mummy Cave. The name as given 
by Stevenson was Canyon de los Muertos. It has since been shortened to del Muerto. Until 
Stevenson's time it was apparently customary to use the same name (de Chelly) for both canyons, 
even as the Navajo do today. A Navajo, speaking in one canyon of something in the other, 
will either specify the exact location with reference to some feature or will refer to "the other 
side [of the] canyon." 

In 1891 Victor Mindeleff published A Study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan and Cibola, which 
was based to some extent on the investigations of the two Mindeleffs in Canyon de Chelly; 
and in 1897 Cosmos Mindeleff published a sequel to Victor's work entitled Cliff Ruins of 
Canyon de Chelly, Arizona. 

From 1923 to 1932 Earl Morris, of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, dug several 
seasons, notably at Big Cave (Tseh-ya-tso) and Mummy Cave. He published five short papers 
(Morris, 1925, 1936, 1938, 1941, 1948) on his work in the canyons but he did not publish a 
major report. The University of Colorado is currently editing his notes, and the material will 
be published. 

That is the list of those who have made archeological investigations in Canyon de Chelly, 
in addition to De Harport whose intensive survey is referred to at the beginning of this section. 
Several archeologists and ethnologists have made shorter studies in, or in the vicinity of, the 
canyons. References to their works will be found in this report; but the amount of research 
done in the canyons and the available reports are few for an area so well known. 



Summary of the History of Tse-ta'a 

The original occupation at Tse-ta'a took place during Late Basketmaker times, when a 
number of pithouses were in use. There probably was a good-sized settlement there during 
Pueblo I times also, as indicated by the large amount of Pueblo I pottery present in the fill; 
but we found only a few structures which could be ascribed to the period. It is quite likely 
that the Pueblo I village was built away from the cliff and has since been destroyed by stream 
action. 

During the Pueblo II period there was a village at the south end of the site; and probably 
another (though not necessarily a contemporaneous one) at the north end. During the second 
season's work, at the north end, we found the tops of a number of walls at the lowest level of our 
excavations but, since we went no deeper than the Pueblo III level, it is impossible now to assign 
those lower walls to a definite time. The greatest activity at Tse-ta'a was during the later part 
of Pueblo II and in Pueblo III. 

There seem to have been at least four separate occupations during Pueblo III at Tse-ta'a. 
In the village (CC86) at the south end of the site, two distinct masonry types are displayed, and 



in a few places the existing walls do not line up with wall scars on the cliff face. The north 
portion of the cite (CC87) was built, occupied, and abandoned, and then reoccupied with exten- 
sive alterations and additions. There may have been more. When we stopped work in the 
autumn of 1950, we had not run out of walls at the north end of the site. And about 50 or 60 
feet north of the limit of the excavation another low mound covers some walls, but I do not 
know of what period. It could be prehistoric or modern Navajo. 

Circumstantial evidence indicates that during the 14th to 18th centuries there was limited 
occupation of the site by Hopis. Some minor construction was made at this time, and two 
burials — one intentional and one accidental — should be dated in this period. 

Then, lying over all, was the Navajo deposit — sheep bones by the bushel-basketful tossed 
into prehistoric rooms and peach pits in almost the same quantity. Cementing all into a cohesive 
mass was a foot-thick crust of sheep manure. The Navajo still use the site. When we started to 
work in 1949 we had to move a sheep corral. In autumn, some local ladies discovered that a 
freshly swept pithouse floor makes an excellent spot for shucking corn and spreading peaches 
to dry. 

Figure 3 shows the location of Canyon de Chelly in relation to other principal drainages of 
the San Juan basin. 



Figure 3. 



Sfifjf 



MEXICAN HAT 




ORAIBI 



SCALE IN MILES 



Okeams canyon 



JJTAH^ 
ARIZ. 



Hovenweep Nat'l. Mon 

□I a 



Yucca House 



Canyon 
5 De Chelly 
! National 
* Monument 






7 



Aztec Ruins 
□ / Nat'l. Mon 



FARMINGTON 



***» 



2* 



Chaco Canyon 
Nat'l Mon. 



A portion of the San Juan River drain- 
age to show the relationship of Canyon 
De Chelly to other streams in the San 
Juan River system 



Former Extent of the Site 

One of the workmen, Stephen Charlie, lived just across the canyon from Tse-ta'a; it was his 
family who used the site for a sheep corral and a shucking and drying floor. Stephan told us 
that when he was a boy (he was then about 30) the ruin extended about 50 feet farther from the 
cliff than at present. This is possible, though I am inclined to question the statement. The 
alluvial fill of the canyon floor may easily have extended that far in Stephan Charlie's youth, 
but I doubt that the village rooms ever extended more than 20 to 30 feet from the cliff face. 
There is a very good reason for this, which entails some discussion of cliffs and the location and 
size of the ruins in Canyon de Chelly. 

Many of the prehistoric sites in the Canyon de Chelly district were built in caves and rock 
shelters or at the bases of cliffs. The last are by far the most numerous. The shape and size of 
the cliff cavities dictated the size of the villages built within them, and the extent of the settle- 
ments built at the bases of cliffs must have been determined largely by the height of the cliff 
and its slope — that is, whether it sloped back or had a slight overhang. 

For instance, at the mouth of Wild Cherry Canyon, only a quarter of a mile from Tse-ta'a, 
is a cliff just as high as that of Tse-ta'a, and there is a ruin at the foot of the cliff. The cliff at 
Wild Cherry Canyon has a slight slope back (the drainage at the top being away from the cliff), 
and the large village at its base extends for nearly ioo feet onto the canyon floor. 

At Tse-ta'a, on the other hand, the cliff has a slight overhang, which kept the site fairly dry 
but definitely limited the size of the village because of a constant barrage of pebbles, stones, and 
boulders from the top of the cliff. While we were at work there would be, any number of times 
during the day, a slight whistle as a tiny pebble fell from somewhere near the cliff top. These 
bothered me at first, but I soon became as complaisant to the tiny pellets as the Navajo. How- 
ever, on an average of about once every week or 10 days everyone would stop work and hunch 
their shoulders while a chunk of rock, which might be as large as a man's head, came w r histling 
through the air. These pebbles and rocks form a "fall line" under every overhang. The soft 
sandstone shatters as it hits and quickly becomes a part of the sandy canyon floor; but if one 
looks he can discern a line of freshly broken stone extending the length of any undercut cliff. 
Every prehistoric village built at the base of an overhanging cliff is built entirely within the fall 
line. 

We are not normally aware of the breakup and erosion of the surface of the earth, even 
though this continues constantly and universally. When natural forces become obviously de- 
structive and we see a river rip away a large section of its bank or a flooded mountain stream 
roll large boulders rapidly downstream, we become frightened; but as soon as the sun shines 
once more we figure that perhaps some riprap here and some sod planting there will stop the 
erosion and prevent our mountain from ending as an ocean bottom. At Tse-ta'a I became 
acutely conscious of the forces of erosion — and particularly of the part gravity plays in it. During 
my first day at the ruin I inadvertently pitched my camp athwart the fall line of pebbles from 
the cliff top. That night, after three or four pellets had fallen nearby, I moved my bed, and the 



next day moved my camp. In addition to the fall of stones from our own cliff, almost daily 
we heard the noise of individual falling rocks or small slides on nearby slopes. 

Three times during the two seasons of work we heard major rockfalls. One of these occurred 
in a shallow cave across a side canyon and in full view of Tse-ta'a. There is a good-sized Basket- 
maker site in the cave (Mindeleff's Site 26) with several large slab-lined cists. As we heard the 
crash and the beginning of the resultant roll of echoes in the canyon, we saw a cloud of dust rise 
at one end of the cave. I later discovered that a slab of rock, some 1 by 25 feet and a foot thick, 
had broken from the cliff face; it lay over two of the Basketmaker cists. A similar occurrence 
once happened in the south village of the Pueblo III occupation at Tse-ta'a. After the houses 
had been abandoned, a very large slab of rock fell from the cliff and almost completely demolished 
the walls of three rooms. 

At this point I should describe the nature of the material that fills the canyon bottom. 

The canyon fill is composed almost entirely of material deposited by action of the Rio de 
Chelly. In addition there are a few sand dunes at places where strong winds blowing across 
the mesa top are so deflected at the canyon rim that they drop some of their load of sand. A 
large dune lies across the canyon from Tse-ta'a and another is at the foot of White Sands Trail, 
about a mile upstream. 

Aside from the dunes, the canyon seems filled with a fine water-borne sand which has 
resulted from breakdown of the de Chelly sandstone. This sand is so fine that it tends to become 
"quick" when saturated. At certain places the sand is about 40 feet deep, according to the 
late L. H. MacSparron who formerly operated the Thunderbird Trading Post. 

A bed of alluvium was built on this foundation of sand. I suppose that the alluvium ex- 
tended all the way across the canyon at one time. At the time the Basketmaker pithouses were 
constructed at Tse-ta'a the alluvium was 4 feet thick at the site and the pithouse floors were 
no more than a foot above the sand base of the canyon fill. Soil built up rapidly in the vicinity 
of the ruin during the next few centuries. At the time the Pueblo III houses at the south ruin 
were constructed the alluvium averaged 9 feet in thickness. Much of this was trash and filth 
attendant on the people who lived there, and I doubt that the normal valley fill grew at anything 
like that rate. 

Above the Pueblo III floors was evidence of accelerated erosion from the sandstone cliffs. 
In addition to a very large rockfall, which demolished much of one of the Pueblo III villages, 
the upper soil was composed of sand rather than clay. 

Concerning the Name "Tse-ta'a" 

When we started to work at the ruin I asked the Navajo workmen for a name that we could 
call the site and if that particular section of the canyon was known by a specific name. After 
a little discussion, they decided that perhaps this part of the canyon was called Tse-ta'a. The 
name sounded fine to me. I then asked for the meaning and was told that it meant "Rock- 
standing-up," or, another man's translation, "Rock-like-a-chimney," — the men pointing, at 




i 







z'^- 

A 






Figure 4. — Thename " Tse-ta'a"" means either " Rock-sticking-ouC (above) or " Rock-standing-up" (opposite page) . 



the same time, to a great column of rock which seems detached from, but leans against, the cliff. 
This column is probably no more than 30 feet square at the base, yet it rises for nearly 300 feet 
above the talus (fig. 4). So without further ceremony I dubbed the site Tse-ta'a. 

All went well until the final week of the season when a linguist and employee of the Bureau of 
Indian Affairs visited the dig and inquired about the name. It looked peculiar to her; she 
claimed that there was no such word or phrase as Ta'a in Navajo. When I explained the mean- 
ing she looked pleased and said that I had misunderstood the men and that the name they must 
have told me was Tse-bi-t'a'i, Rock-standing-up, a term for Shiprock and other landmarks in the 
Navajo country. That bothered me a little, for I had no wish to label the site with a meaningless 
name. Finally, however, I decided that since I had taken quite a number of photos with placards 
showing the name as Tse-ta'a and since I thought of the ruin by that name, right or wrong — it 
would remain Tse-ta'a. 

Chauncey Naboyia, who had worked at Mesa Verde in 1949 but was in the group the second 
season, was at hand as I prepared the photographic placard on the first day of work. When I had 
finished he looked at the placard and asked, "Tse-ta'a, Tse-ta'a, what's that?" 

"The name of this ruin." 

"Where'd you get that name?" 

"From that rock standing against the cliff. I was told that is Tse-ta'a." 

"No, that's Tse-ta'a over there," and he pointed to a huge rockfall south of the ruin (fig. 4). 
At some time in the past, hundreds of years ago for there are numerous prehistoric petroglyphs on 
the broken rock, a large section of cliff fell and formed a great point which projects into the 
canyon. Chauncey went on to say that Tse-ta'a means "Rock-sticking-out." At about that 
point, I wished that I had stuck to something simple like Ruin Number 86. At any rate, the 
name has something to do with rocks and may even be a genuine Navajo name. 



8 




736-Ofifi O— 06 2 




i ire 5. — (a) A part of the streambank before excavation. The walls exposed are the Pueblo III walls of the superimposed kivas, 
'iructure 21. (b) View southward along the south part of Tse-ta'a {De HarporVs Site 86) before excavation. In this photograph, 
hacked crust of sheep manure that overlay the site is evident. 



THE EXCAVATIONS 



T 



.he Tse-ta'a excavations, carried on during two digging seasons, brought to light 59 
structures that ranged in age from a possible Basketmaker II slab cist to modern Navajo corn- 
cribs. Even though much of the site had been destroyed by stream action, an impressive body 
of data was recovered. 



Method 

At the beginning of the excavation, before it became apparent that we were digging 
a rather complex site, I laid out a simple control system at the ground surface. This consisted of 
a series of points, at 10-foot intervals, along the base of the cliff. Lines perpendicular to the 
cliff face then were run to the edge of the cutbank. The width of these blocks, or sections, ranged 
from about 4 feet, at the extreme south end of the site, to 1 5 feet at the point where we finished 
our first season's work. The fill within the blocks was removed in layers 1 foot thick; we kept 
the excavations within the section boundaries unless a structure became involved and then 
we used the external limits of the structure as the guideline for carrying the digging deeper. This 
method proved unsatisfactory as the site became more complex and was abandoned during the 
second season's work. In 1 950 a base line was established from which triangulated measurements 
could be made. 

11 



Because several types of remains were involved, I designated each as a "Structure," whether 
it was a Navajo corncrib or a Pueblo III kiva. In the following numerical list and descriptions 
of the structures are a few numbers with no structure attached. This is because we applied a 
number to a piece of wall or floor as soon as it was found. Some of these proved to be too 
fragmentary for description after a succeeding number had already been applied to another 
feature. 

Because the excavation was for salvage and there was no intention of preserving any part of 
the site for interpretation, we destroyed the structures as we dug. The nature of the south ruin 
made this a particularly easy task. The site was stretched along the foot of the cliff and was 
nowhere more than 15 feet wide (fig. 5). We could, therefore, start at one end and work to the 
other, laying bare all structures of a particular horizon as we went. On the next sweep over the 
site the structures of that horizon would disappear and be replaced by others at the next lower 
level. At the end we left only the two Basketmaker pithouses and the superimposed kivas 
(Str. 21). 

Descriptions of Structures 

1 . A portion of a small rectangular Navajo corncrib. The wall at the north end had been 
completely demolished and the remaining walls (on south and east sides) consisted of only one or 
two courses of masonry. The floor was of hard-packed adobe. On the floor we found a mess of 
peach pits, two old iron hoes, a few scraps of commercial red cloth, a broken gourd dipper, and a 
fragment of saddle girth of Navajo textile (fig. 20). 

2. Navajo corncrib. The structure, adjacent to Structure 1, consisted of no more than two 
courses of masonry around a square clay floor. The rest of the walls had been demolished and 
the stone apparently was reused elsewhere. On the floor we found a few scraps of cotton cloth 
(commercial), a broken bottle, two cowhide moccasin soles, and about one-third of a coiled basket 
(a Paiute or Navajo wedding basket) which lay face down over some charred material. 

3. Masonry room, Pueblo III. East wall missing, no floor features. Plaster on the cliff 
above the room indicates that the house was three stories high at this point. 

The walls of the room were of very good shaped masonry blocks standing from 12 to 14 
inches high. The walls were plastered but not painted white. In the fill at the level of the 
highest remaining wall section were Payupki Polychrome and Navajo utility sherds; then below 
that, 2 feet of almost sterile clean sand with some broken rock from a rockfall. Another foot of 
fill between the floor and the rockfall was almost sterile of artifacts. Painted sherds on and near 
the floor were Mesa Verde and Mancos Black-on-white and St. Johns Polychrome. 

4. Very similar to Structure 3. The east wall of this room was also missing. Two floor 
levels were found. The upper level contained no features; but the lower level (10 inches below 
the higher one) had a bowl-shaped firepit, clay-lined, 14 inches in diameter, with a rim raised 5 
inches above the floor, in the apparent center of the room. The pottery sequence and the type of 
fill were the same as in Structure 3. 

12 



Evidence on the cliff indicates only a single additional room above this one. 

5. A small room with practically nothing in it. The few painted sherds were of Mancos and 
Mesa Verde Black-on-white. One large rock from the rockfall pierced the floor. Because the 
floor was nearly destroyed we found only a few patches of it. 

Immediately under the wall, at the southeast corner of the room, we found a slab-lined cist 
which had been used as an outdoor fireplace. It measured about 14 inches in diameter by 12 
inches deep. This cist was apparently contemporaneous with a part of the building but was 
covered when Structure 5 was added. 

6. This number was allotted to the area south of Structure 5, but nothing was found there. 

7. This was the first room at the site for which we could obtain all the horizontal dimensions. 
The room was nearly square and measured about 8^ by 9 feet. A great slab of sandstone, which 
weighed several tons, fell into this room during the rockfall, pierced the floor, and projected into 
the fill for several feet above the floor. 

Fill with Navajo sherds extended down into the room about 2 feet below the top of the highest 
wall. At the lower level of the fill with Navajo sherds there was a slab-lined firepit (floor 7a) ; 
this pit was partially destroyed by the rockfall. Navajo material lay over but not under the rock. 

A rectangular doorway led through the east wall of the room, presumably into another 
room. A portion of a clay-lined firepit was found at the edge of the large rock, but that is all we 
saw to indicate the position of the floor. The building was probably three stories high here at 
one time. 

The painted pottery found on the floor of this room consisted of four sherds of Mancos 
Black-on-white, one of Kayenta Black-on-red, and two of Tusayan Polychrome. 

8. A small roundish area of floor plaster with three large rocks which formed a rough arc 
around one part of the perimeter. It probably was the remnant of a demolished Navajo corncrib. 

9 and 10. These two small chambers were probably built by Navajo as corncribs, but they 
ended up as garbage containers. 

Into the west side of a large prehistoric room, designated Structure 1 1 , there fell a large 
rock slab. The Navajo dug down along the west wall of the room to create two small sub- 
terranean storage chambers and utilized the wall and the slab as parts of their own walls. 

The appearance of the fill of these two small rooms would make it seem that countless 
generations of Navajo sat around the edges of the chambers to strip meat from the bones of sheep 
and goats and then throw the bones into the rooms. The rooms were literally filled with bones 
(except for the sherds of a Navajo beanpot in Structure 1 0) . None of the bones had been cooked, 
and so it was obvious that some family was accustomed to butchering and preparing jerky here. 
This happened far enough in the past that most of the bones were well dried out, and although 
there was a slight odor of defunct sheep in the pit it was not overpowering. 

11. A large room which originally extended nearly 1 feet north and south and at least 
8 feet east from the cliff. We found no trace of the east wall. As with the other rooms of the 
Pueblo III occupation (Strs. 3, 4, 5, and 7), the room was clean at the time it was abandoned. 
Later, probably at the same time of the rockfall in the other rooms, a very large rock fell into 

13 



this one. When we finally got the rock broken up and out of the room, we discovered that it 
had fallen on, and smashed, a rectangular firebox which was located just south of the center of 
the room. The box was shallow, about 4 to 6 inches deep, and was lined with slabs on the sides 
and bottom. 

Sherds near the floor of this room were Mesa Verde Black-on-white, with one each of 
Tusayan Black-on-red and Kayenta Polychrome. 

12. A roundish structure of which little remained. This was the only structure (or part of 
a structure) in the entire ruin which can be labeled, with any assurance, as being of Hopi origin. 
Fragments of two wicker baskets and a small coiled basket (the latter not a piece of a Navajo 
"wedding" basket), a fragment of a sandal, and a throwing stick were found lying on the floor. 
A handful of sherds — corrugated, Navajo utility, Mesa Verde Black-on-white, and St. Johns 
Polychrome — were the only other objects on the floor. Structure 12 was probably built as a 
corncrib; it differed in no way from such rooms made by the Navajo. 

Figure 6. — (a) North wall of Structure 13, with firebox; the man is working in Structure 19. The 
large rock was part of the rockfall that occurred after the pueblo was abandoned. 




14 



13. This room was a late addition to the string of Pueblo III rooms. Its floor was at least 
2 feet above the floors on either side of it. The good floor and a firebox found (fig. 6) testify 
that this was a room, not just a working space between houses. The firebox was square, with 
slab sides and base, and was placed near the north wall of the room. Projecting from the south 
wall was a short, low masonry wall serving no apparent purpose. The east side and wall of the 
room were destroyed. After the room was abandoned, a large rock also fell into it and adjoining 
Structure 19. Below the rock the painted sherds were of Mesa Verde Black-on-white, St. Johns 
Polychrome, and Tusayan Polychrome. 

14. An irregular area between the cliff and the west wall of Structure 11. The wall pre- 
sumably was built to help support a second story over Structure 11, and the area designated as 
14 was not used. The fill was composed of clean sand and rock, and contained practically no 
sherds or charcoal. 

Figure 6. — (b) Block of rooms between kivas. Structures 49 and 56. 




15 



15 and 16. Two old Navajo corncribs. The walls of 15 were laid, in part, on the large 
slab of rock which fell into Structures 13 and 19. Nothing was found in 15 but in 16 were three 
Navajo cooking pots, side by side. These apparently had been buried in the floor of the room, 
though the floor was not evident. Near the vessels were two small clay figurines (fig. 21). 

These were the deepest, and possibly the oldest, Navajo structures at the site. 

17 and 18. The floors and basal courses of masonry of two contiguous Navajo corncribs. 
Both had rectangular floor plans. 

19. We found no floor in this room. The condition of the fill suggested that the roof was 
dismantled and the area stood open during the latter period of the occupancy of the pueblo. 

20. A series of small chambers peripheral to the Pueblo III level of Structure 21. The walls 
of these chambers were arranged symmetrically, all had stone floors, no doorways connected 
them, and they were apparently intentionally filled with sand (fig. 14). 

21. One kiva, superimposed on an earlier kiva. When we started to work the upper kiva, 
the Pueblo III section of this structure was clearly visible at the face of the cut, but the thin 
rock facing of the lower, or Pueblo II, kiva was so camouflaged that I failed to see it. Conse- 
quently, when we had reached the point where one could normally expect a kiva floor, I was 
amazed to find, instead, a slight jog in the wall and the wall still going down. There is here a 
deliberate superposition of a kiva over an earlier one; the walls of the upper kiva are placed in 
the position to the walls of the lower kiva as shown in cross section in figures 7 and 14 and con- 
tinue in that manner around the remaining arc of the kiva walls. The two kivas may be 
compared as follows: 

Pueblo II Construction: The original kiva was a deep room (6 feet) with straight sides. 
Later a narrow bench, 30 inches high and 9 inches wide, was added. The bench extends around 
the entire existing portion of the structure. No niches were found nor were there any floor 
features in the remaining portion of the floor. This kiva seems to have been deliberately filled 
before, or at the time, the Pueblo III kiva was constructed. A narrow chamber near the cliff 
(Str. 35) might have had some connection with this Pueblo II kiva. 

Pueblo III Construction: The builders of the later kiva apparently set out to build their 
structure directly over the older one. The masonry is excellent, with very thick, faced walls 
with rubble fill and peripheral rooms (Str. 20), which appear to have been built at the time the 
kiva was constructed. This kiva is probably similar to the double- and triple-walled kivas 
found a little farther northeast on the San Juan and its tributaries (Vivian, 1959). 

22. A small remnant of a house with thin but well-constructed masonry walls; no floor 
features in the portion left. Probably Pueblo II. A narrow space between the north wall of 
this house and the wall of the kiva (Str. 25) was filled with rock spalls. The roof of this house 
probably burned, for there was approximately 8 inches of charred material and roofing clay 
above the floor. 

23. A small room which extended less than 6 feet from the cliff. The south end of the room 
was destroyed when the kiva (Str. 25) was constructed. The masonry was thin, there were no 
floor features, and the floor was badly broken. 

16 



24. This number was applied to the small slab-lined firepit which underlay the partition wall 
of Structures 4 and 5. At first we thought it might have been a portion of a room, but it proved 
to be nothing more than an outdoor fireplace. 

25. A Pueblo II kiva with thin well-constructed masonry walls. Whereas the Pueblo II kiva 
in Structure 21 was apparently built entirely below ground level, only half of the walls of this 
structure extended below grade. A narrow bench was built around the wall in part of the kiva. 
This was later covered with masonry to make the walls flush. Two small niches were found, one 
at the south side of the room and the other at the north side. 

There was a double slab-lined firebox near the apparent center of the floor; and if deflector 
and ventilator were ever present, they should have been to the east of the firebox. A vertical 
9-inch slab which projected from the floor near the south side of the room had no apparent pur- 
pose. A shallow depression at a corner of the firebox was filled with ashes. 

26. A large round room of which approximately three-quarters of the floor remained. The 
walls were of rather flimsy masonry and stood about 2 feet high. At the south end of the room 
was a small square-shaped masonry bin. Near the center of the room was a slab-lined firepit, 1 6 
inches deep. The firepit had an adobe molding which was 4 inches above the floor. The walls 
were plastered and painted white. 

This structure appears to have formed a unit with Structures 28, 29, and 30. Pottery found 
on and near the floor was chiefly Kana'a Black-on-white and Kana'a Gray (with one sherd of 
Navajo utility ware). 

The masonry bin continued 15 inches below the floor of the room; it was slab-lined and had 
a stone floor. 

27. This number was applied to the bin in Structure 26 before the nature of the masonry wall 
was discovered. 

28. A small circular structure, probably a Pueblo I storage chamber. The structure consisted 
of a shallow pit (about 8 inches deep) with vertical sides lined with a masonry facing composed 
of three courses of small spalls of rock. The pit ranged in diameter from 63 to 73 inches. Slightly 
heavier masonry than that which lined the pit was laid on the old ground surface; the highest 
masonry at the time of digging was 25 inches. Excavation for this structure cut into the top of the 
wall of Structure 38. No floor was found. 

29 and 30. Two long narrow rooms, in which were combined features of the pithouse and of 
later masonry structures. The floors were excavated about a foot below the ground level, and 
the faces of these shallow pits were lined with vertical slabs, which were then hidden by a false 
front of masonry made of thin spalls. The above ground walls of the houses were of masonry 
which rested on this double foundation and extended for a few inches onto the ground surface. 

A badly eroded, bowl-shaped, clay-lined firepit and an adjacent cistlike hole were the only 
floor features in Structure 30. The floor of Structure 29 was so badly damaged that we could be 
sure of only one thing, that at one time there was a firepit somewhere near the center of the room. 

31. A 7-foot-square structure built against the cliff. We found only one or two courses of 
masonry. It was probably a Navajo corncrib. 

17 



32. A Basketmaker pithouse. The wall of the excavation was lined with cobblelike pieces of 
sandstone; this was then plastered over with mud and painted white. The bases of the walls 
showed much exfoliation, owing to evaporating ground waters at the base of the pit; this appears 
to have happened while the house was occupied. 

A large firepit was lined with upright slabs which projected 4 inches above the floor; the 
base of the pit was clay. Extending for 3 feet to the south of the firepit was a line of rocks, sunk 
into the floor but projecting 4 inches above it. Other stones were sunk into the floor with their 
tops flush. (See figure 8.) 

33. The remains of a small Navajo corncrib built against the cliff. 

34. A short section of curved wall which turned up in the fill over Structure 32. We dis- 
covered nothing about this wall. 

35. The remains of a small square room which we did not completely excavate. The east 
side of the room was washed away, and an unknown part of the north portion extends under the 
fill which we left undisturbed to help support the walls of Structure 21. This structure stood 
isolated, with its back wall about 4 feet from the cliff. On the floor we found a Lino Gray dipper. 

Just below the floor, and at the edge of the cut, were three large slabs of an old storage cist 
about 3 feet in diameter. 

36. A short arc of wall, similar to the wall of Structure 28 found just below floor of Structure 
26, approximately 4 feet in diameter. 

37. A short length of thin wall with an adjoining piece of floor. It was on the same level 
with Structure 36. The two were probably contemporaneous, but both structures were almost 
entirely obliterated by later construction. 

38. A Basketmaker pithouse, the most complete pithouse we found, about 17 feet in diameter 
and 4 feet deep. The base of the wall was a double row of slabs on which was laid a thin masonry 
wall facing against the sides of the pit. This was plastered with mud and then painted white. 

The firepit was squarish and partly lined with some small slabs, but the lining was mostly 
of adobe, and it had an adobe rim which was raised a few inches above the floor. There was a 
shallow pot rest at the southwest corner of the firepit. A low wall, 2 feet high, cut across the 
room near the east side. A small square slab-lined pit at the south side of the room was empty. 

At the north side of the room was a circular bin. The floor of the bin was nearly a foot below 
the floor of the room and was paved with stones. The wall of the bin was made with large 
upright slabs which were faced, on the room side, with thin masonry. Above the slabs, the 
masonry rested on the lower stones and the slab. The bin top was flush with the top of the pit. 

39. Originally this was a small round wattle-and-daub structure which was built in a slight 
depression caused by a partial fill within abandoned Structure 38. What we found was an arc, 
some 80 inches long, of the floor perimeter, with eight charred stubs of poles, a mass of charred 
phragmites, and what appeared to be charred juniper bark. 

This structure was probably built in the period between the construction of Structures 38 
and 26 — but we do not know how long a period that was. 

40. A group of two, or possibly three, small slab structures and two slab-lined firepits. 

18 



These were probably small storage rooms and outdoor cooking places and were built in about 
Pueblo I times. 

41. Three irregular alinements of slabs with a small section of hard-packed earth at one 
point. One slab-lined firepit in connection with the walls. Whatever this structure was, it 
collapsed and was partially destroyed before being covered with earth; construction of Structure 
38 destroyed more of the remains. This probably was the oldest structure of Tse-ta'a, but its 
use was never determined. It might date from Basketmaker II times. 

42 and 43. Two thin-walled structures for which we found no floors or other features. 
Near the southwest corner of Structure 42, and apparently connected with the room, was a 
slab-lined cist. Two short stubs of masonry made a small chamber between Structure 42 and 
the cliff. 

In an effort to find the floor, we dug a pit into the fill of Structure 42 and 10 inches below 
the bases of the Structure 42 walls, uncovering the top of the wall of what appeared to be a 
Basketmaker pithouse, but we went no farther. 

Little pottery was found in the rooms, and much of what we did find seems too early for 
structures so high in the fill. Kana'a Gray, two sherds of Lino Black-on-gray, Bluff-La 
Plata Black-on-red, and Mancos Black-on-white with Kana'a and Black Mesa designs were 
the types found. 

44. A large rectangular room built against the cliff. We found no floor or other features. 
Just below the base of the wall we came upon the top of a masonry wall which runs north 
through Structure 48. One unusual feature of the masonry of this room is that the two corners 
are bonded. 

45. A small rectangular room with a slab-lined firebox in one corner. When found, the 
firebox was covered with flat rocks. 

46. A rectangular room against the cliff, with no evidence of upper stories. A doorway 
into Structure 45 was located rather high in the wall. (The base of the door was 31 inches 
above the floor.) A firebox (rectangular, slab-lined) lay in the center of the room, and there 
was a small slab-lined pit in a corner. Four corrugated ollas were buried in the floor. 

47. The site occupied by Structure 47, a kiva, was formerly occupied by rooms which 
stood at least two, and possibly three, stories high against the cliff. The only evidence of these 
rooms is the presence of some white painted pictographs and handprints on the cliff above the 
kiva. 

Just below the top of the existing wall of the kiva we found a large rectangular (actually, 
almost hexagonal) firebox on a level with some small patches of hard-packed earth. These 
were at the level of the top of the large slab cist which was set into the floor of Structure 47. 
It would appear that the firebox was part of an outdoor work area, sheltered on the north 
side by the walls of the old kiva and adjacent rooms. I am also of the opinion that the slab 
cist was of contemporaneous construction and was used with the firebox and not as a part of 
the kiva. Between the kiva wall and the cliff, and at the same level as the firebox, we found a 

19 



buried corrugated jar. This was the only piece of pottery found at this level which we felt 
could be assigned to the period of the work area — and it is almost useless for dating. 

The kiva itself is a rather unusual structure. It lacked both ventilator shaft and deflector. 
It had a bench and short (2 feet high) pilasters, but there were only two of the latter and they 
opposed each other from the north and south sides of the kiva. In the floor there was an unusual 
arrangement of three oval clay-lined holes which had been refilled with earth and plastered 
over. The firebox was rectangular and slab-lined. Near the south side of the kiva was a small 
stone mortar which had been "killed" by knocking a hole in its base and then had been placed 
bottom side up on the floor and lightly cemented in place with mud. 

48. This apparently was a room which was partially demolished at the time Structure 47 
was built. The floor seems to have been on two levels, divided by a low masonry wall; the half 
of the room next to the cliff was about 6 inches lower than the east half. Only traces of the floor 
were found and no firepit or other feature. The presence of two infant burials, one just under, 
and the other on, the floor, suggested that the room was not used after the kiva was built. We 
found no charcoal or evidence of roofing and no plaster on the walls. 

49. Another kiva. This one was dismantled and stood vacant for some time. On the floor 
were from 1 to 2 inches of windblown sand, then approximately a foot of clear sand and tiny 
sandstone pebbles (probably washed from the cliff during heavy rains), and then fallen wall. 
The three-story building which formerly stood north of the kiva first collapsed, and at a later time 
the two-story structure south of the building fell and left debris in the kiva. The latter fall killed 
a young girl who was in the kiva (B26). While the building stood roofless and unused, the upper 
courses of masonry disintegrated badly, especially those next to the cliff. 

The walls of this kiva were thick and built straight up from floor to roof for approximately 
one-third the perimeter of the room. This third of the wall was the west, or cliff, side. On 
either side of the kiva, then, a bench slightly more than 1 foot wide was constructed; these ex- 
tended from the west third of the wall almost to the ventilator at the east side of the kiva. On 
each bench a pilaster was built ; these were at the north and south points of the kiva, and their 
presence on the benches created a deep nichelike recess on the west side of each pilaster. A 
square niche was built in the west wall; it went back to the cliff but we found nothing in it. 

On the floor was a large square slab firebox, a masonry deflector, and between the two a small 
slab of stone set on edge. 

The ventilator opening was high and narrow; it led into a shaft that emerged onto a piece of 
hard-packed earth which was a remnant of the old ground surface. Adjacent to both shaft and 
exterior wall of the kiva was a deep (24-inch) rectangular slab box, in which nothing was found. 
This seems to have been connected with the kiva but its relationship is unknown. 

50. A large rectangular room. Except for the walls, we discovered no trace of the original 
structure. On the cliff above there are traces of plaster and red pictographs which indicate a 
building of three, or possibly four, stories at this point. Below the walls of the room (we found no 
floor), the top of a rectangular slab wall base similar to the walls of Structures 29 and 30 was 
uncovered. 

20 



After this room had been abandoned and had been filled with 17 to 20 inches of sand and rock, 
someone built two walls of heavy crude masonry to create a smaller room (50a). We found no 
way to date this later construction. 

51, 52, 53, and 58. A row of rooms once extended across the front of the pueblo in this area. 
The east wall of the rooms now stands from 1 to 1 % feet high, and there are short stubs of walls to 
indicate the partitions. Portions of other walls, just outside these rooms, indicate considerable 
rebuilding. 

Immediately under the probable floor level of Structure 51 is a low arc of masonry, 10 inches 
high, which would have formed a circle about 10 feet in diameter, with a large slab firebox 
within the arc. This would appear to be an early working space with a windbreak. 

54. Originally this was a rectangular room, next to the cliff, with a slab firebox in the center. 
Later a partition wall was built across the room, passing over the firebox, and a doorway, which 
formerly passed through the north wall, was blocked. Considerable plaster remained on the walls. 

55. A kiva with firebox, slab deflector, and masonry ventilator shaft. A bench was built 
around the north side of the room and about one-third the distance around the south side. The 
west side of the room was built against the cliff, and there the masonry consists of a thin facing of 
stone in front of the rock of the cliff. A small square niche was found in the south wall; it was 
empty. The top of the wall is at the ancient ground level. 

Quite a bit of plaster remains on the walls, especially on the north side. At one point 
someone worked some sort of decoration in the damp plaster with his fingertips, but not enough 
remains to determine the nature of the design. 

56. A kiva built of exceptionally poor masonry. This kiva had the only round firepit in 
this ruin and the only firepit without a slab lining. The deflector was a large irregular slab. 
It and a small 4-inch-diameter hole between the firepit and the north wall were the only 
floor features. 

The walls of the room are round but are far from being a circle. At the south side, they 
merge into the exterior wall of Structure 54 so that for several feet the wall is straight. A large 
niche was built over the ventilator shaft; a small niche was found 2 feet above the floor in the 
north wall. 

A beam socket in the cliff indicates that a three-story structure once stood there. 

57 and 59. Like Structure 54, this was originally one large room with a firebox in the center. 
The partition was added later and, as with the other room, the partition was built over the 
firebox. 

Structure 57 had two floors, the lower one had a five-sided firebox, and the upper, some 5 
inches higher, had a rectangular one. The lower floor of Structure 59 was on the level for the 
firebox covered by the partition wall; the upper floor level in this room had no firebox. 

It appeared that the east half of the original room had fallen or had been demolished when 
the present east wall and the partition were built. The north and south walls of the two rooms 
have the same base level as the partition, that is, 9 inches above the original floor. 



21 





TSE- TA'A RU I N 
PROFILE OF 1949 EXCAVATIONS 
CANYON OE CMELLY NATIONAL MONUMENT -AF 




^^ 



Figure 7. 



© 



STR E A M BE D 



22 



BASKETMAKER PERIOD 



T 



he group of slabs designated as Structure 41 (fig. 7) probably represent the oldest 
construction at Tse-ta'a. The slabs formed parts of three contiguous rude cists and a firepit; 
at the tops of the cists were small areas of hard-packed clay, which seemed to represent an old 
ground surface. No artifacts or sherds were found in association with the cists, but they ap- 
parently were considerably older than Structure 38, a pithouse. When the latter house was 
built, a portion of one of the cists was destroyed, and the ground surface at the time Structure 
38 was occupied was nearly 1 % feet higher than the surface connected with the cists. We can 
assume that these slabs were of Basketmaker II times, but there is no way of putting the as- 
sumption to a test. 

There have been a number of Basketmaker pithouses at Tse-ta'a, but we do not know whether 
they were contemporaneous or were occupied at different times. We dug two partially de- 
stroyed Basketmaker houses during the summer of 1949 (fig. 8). And in the bank just upstream 
from where work ended that summer, an edge of another floor with a hearth was exposed at 
the Basketmaker level. From that point the line of the cut, which marks the streambank, 
turns sharply away from the cliff so that there was ample room for complete houses in the fill 
at the north end of the site. 

My principal reason for returning to Tse-ta'a the second season was to try to find one or more 
complete pithouses in order to answer questions posed by the partially destroyed houses found 
in 1949. Unfortunately, I was sidetracked by the Pueblo III houses and kivas of the north group 
of rooms and never did get down to the Basketmaker level during the second season. The pit- 

23 



/////////////////////A 



,^^^^^^^ 



„////////////////,//,„ 



^4442 ^ "Z-~ 




BASKETMAKER PITHOUSES 
GROUND PLANS AND PROFILES 

CANYON DE CMELLV NATIONAL MONU MENT- ARIZONA 



FiGURE 8. 

houses are there. In addition to the floor and hearth mentioned above, which are still in place, 
we found the top of a curved wall (which appeared to be the top of a pithouse) in a trench dug to 
the east of Structure 55 and found another curved wall top below the floor line of Structure 42. 
The cove in which Tse-ta'a is located would be an excellent spot to dig for Basketmaker houses, 
for Mindeleff's site 26 (or CC110, De Harport, 1950) consisted of a series of large Basketmaker 
storage cists in a shallow cave. On the flat below, Lino Gray sherds may be found at about any 
place where a channel has been cut into the valley fill. 

At the time of the excavations, and for awhile after, I found myself thinking in terms of a 
Basketmaker village at Tse-ta'a, but when I began to consider the arable land available and the 
use to which the land is put today I realized that a '"village" was out of the question. I do not 
wish to suggest that Navajo land use parallels that of the Basketmaker period, but it is probably 
the nearest thing we have today to the manner in which the Basketmakers farmed ; so I wish to 
describe, briefly, the number of Navajos in the Tse-ta'a vicinity and the amount of land they 
farmed during the summers of 1949 and 1950. 

Across the stream from the ruin lived Stephen Charlie, his wife and three children — with an 
occasional transient relative. Stephen (now deceased) was the go-getter type, a little slick at 
times but a hard worker. His farm was well tended. His main field was at the mouth of Wild 
Cherry Canyon and consisted of some 7 or 8 acres of corn with beans and melons between the 
hills, in the Navajo manner. Stephen Charlie also shared, with Shorty Brown, a second field 
just around the corner of the canyon below Tse-ta'a. The latter field is about 3 or 4 acres in 
area and was not farmed during either of the seasons I spent at the site. Under a slight overhang 



24 



at the smaller field, Stephen had two good-sized corncribs, each of which would probably hold 
about 1 5 bushels of corn. 

I never knew the name of the second family at Tse-ta'a, even though they lived within 200 
yards of the ruin. The man of the household was away working on a railroad construction gang 
both summers, and only his wife and two daughters were at home. The family had a field which 
was slightly more than 5 acres in extent, but only about 2 acres were put to crops during the 
seasons I spent as the family's neighbor. This field was definitely submarginal agricultural land. 
The family probably had at least one corncrib, but I never saw it. 

These two families, then, used a little less than 20 acres for farming, and the acreage was 
parceled out in three fields in a section of the canyon about a third of a mile in length. In addition 
to their farmlands, there was available a total of about 15 acres of bottom land used only for 
grazing. For comparison, Cosmos Mindeleff's map of the arable lands within a part of 
Canyon de Chelly (1897, map following page 92) shows the area as it was during the early 1890's. 
This map has no scale so it is impossible to estimate the amount of arable land available in the 
canyon in the 1890's, but it appears to be about the same as today. Mindeleff apparently in- 
cluded some sections which I would term submarginal. 

Since the gradient of the Rio de Chelly probably always has been steep, chances are that in 
A.D. 700 the stream was a small fast-flowing river with its channel contained in a good 
alluvial bed, rather than the 200- to 400-foot-wide sandy bed it has at present. If this were the 
case, then a considerable amount of bottom land would have been available for farming, over 
the amount which now exists in the canyon; but one should subtract from the total a small amount 
of acreage which probably was occupied by trees and shrubs along the watercourse and allow 
for a certain amount of unused land. It is my belief that, in the third of a mile of canyon bottom 
we are considering, the additional farmland available on the alluvial bottoms was probably no 
greater than the amount of land farmed by Stephen Charlie in 1949-50, and that with the 
additional good land available, some land such as that farmed by the second family mentioned 
would not be used. 

I feel it necessary to repeat that all this is speculation, brought on by an attempt to fit several 
Basketmaker families into a rather small section of canyon bottom. My picture of life in the 
canyon during Basketmaker times is of one or two pithouses in an open area such as that at 
Tse-ta'a. The houses would be either near the cliff, as those at the ruin, or on the sandy ter- 
race, with the farmlands located near the river. The principal crop storage was in slab-lined 
pits, usually in caves as the aforementioned Site 26. At any given time during Basketmaker 
days, one could probably have seen several abandoned pithouses in various stages of decay in 
the Tse-ta'a rincon. It would appear that the houses were used for comparatively short periods 
and were abandoned, for any number of reasons not now discernible, to be replaced by new 
houses. 

This pattern of land use and of habitations occupied for only short periods probably has been 
the normal state of affairs throughout the history of human occupation in Canyon de Chelly. 

73-6-OftO O— 06 3 25 



It was not a local phenomenon, however, but was the rule throughout most of the prehistoric 
Southwest. Paul Martin described the situation quite well in his account of excavations in the 
Ackmen-Lowry area in Colorado (Martin, 1938, pp. 236-237): 

Most archeologists who have worked in the southwest believe that the majority of prehistoric pueblos 
were but briefly inhabited, perhaps from twenty to forty years. As a result of this group fidgetiness, 
thousands of small houses, with their cemeteries, rubbish heaps, and kivas, came into existence and 
were shortly thereafter abandoned. From such ruins the archeologist can recover fragments of a 
cultural history. Fitting together these fragments in correct chronological order is possible, although 
difficult, because they represent merely tiny fluctuations in a long-time trend. Any one of these many 
small houses may properly be regarded as just a flash in the pan — it came into existence, flourished 
for a few years, and then disappeared, leaving an indelible imprint of the minute changes in fashions 
and ways of doing things. To examine such a ruin is like looking at a still photograph — it yields but 
one image. 



Structures 

We excavated only two Basketmaker pithouses, and neither was complete although one 
(Str. 38) was nearly so; of the other, Structure 32, almost half had been destroyed by the stream. 
The two were similar in that they were roughly circular, one was 17 and the other 14 feet in 
diameter, each had been excavated approximately 4 feet below the surface of the ground, and 
each excavation was lined with a masonrylike facing of small flat stones laid horizontally, which 
had been plastered with adobe and then painted with a thin white coat of what appeared to 
be gypsum. 

By using the present streambed as a base line, I found that the tops of the walls of each 
structure, that is, the old ground surface, were at the same level; there was less than a 6-inch 
difference in elevation at the points measured. 







• - 






'***■■* 




26 



We found no postholes in either of the houses. This, in itself, was not particularly disturbing 
for the houses were small enough that they could have been roofed without internal vertical 
supports. However, we were able to clear sections of the old ground surface around the perim- 
eter of each house; this hard-packed surface extended as far as 3 feet from the rim of Structure 
32. No piece of this surface showed any impression of a beam or a posthole. It is possible 
that the "ground surface" was, in reality, an extraordinarily wide benchlike platform and that 
the roofing poles were inbedded some 3 feet or more from the edge of the house proper — in soil 
which later was disturbed. The fragments of burned timbers found in Structure 32 were about 
10 inches in diameter and could easily have been long enough to reach from a point 3 feet or 
more from the pithouse rim to near the center. It is interesting to note that no postholes were 
found in the only other excavated pithouse in Canyon de Chelly which is discussed in a pub- 
lished report (De Harport, 1953). 

Structure 32 

This pithouse, almost half destroyed, was an essentially simple house, with a pit 4 feet in 
depth and, in north-south dimension, 17 feet in diameter. The sides of the excavation were 
lined with a fairly well-laid masonry facing. The floor was of hard-packed adobe but not well 
preserved; large patches of it had disintegrated. Near the apparent center of the room was a 
squarish stone-sided firebox with a clay base. Running for about 3 feet south of the firebox 
was a row of vertical slabs with a yet undetermined purpose. Similarly, a pair of vertical slabs 
had been set into the floor at the south side of the room. 

It is possible that these vertical slabs once formed part of a radial ridge, or partition, such 
as is commonly found in Basketmaker houses (Roberts, 1929; Morris, 1939), but the floor was 
so broken up that no scars of such a partition remained other than the slabs. 

When we excavated this house it first appeared that the roof had been dismantled, but in 
the northwest quadrant of the room we found burned fragments of two large beams, about 
10 inches in diameter, which lay sloped toward the center of the room. Between the charred 
roofing material and the floor there lay about 6 inches of sterile windblown sand. The floor 
itself had been swept clean except for little clusters of articulated and broken bone over the 
remaining parts of the floor. It looked as though, just after the house was abandoned, someone 
stood at the hatchway in the roof and tossed down the remnants of a feast. Articulated and 
broken bones of turkeys and dogs lay scattered on the floor; the marrow bones of the dogs were 
broken. 



Structure 38 

The stream had destroyed only a small arc on the east side of this room; on the west side a 
great slab of rock on the cliff face appeared as though it were about to fall, so we left a block of 
earth to hold it. 

27 








.- _ 






Structure 38 differed from Structure 32 in that the base of the wall was made of a double row 
of upright slabs and the rock facing for the excavation was laid on the slabs. At the north side 
of the room was a small structure which I believe was a corncrib. It was roundish, its floor 
nearly a foot lower than the floor of the room, and was paved with stone. The crib probably 
was built long after the house was abandoned, for the masonry faced the inside of the crib and 
was unfinished on the "room" side of the wall, but house and crib were of identical construction. 

The firepit was bowl-shaped, with slabs around the sides but not on the base, and at one side 
was a shallow depression which must have served as a pot rest. A small square slab-lined box 
near one wall and a scar across the floor near the east side of the room where a low wall appeared 
to have been built were the only remaining features of the room. The scar probably represents 
the position of a partition; such a wall would have been constructed of masonry rather than 
slabs, for several large blocks of stone lay on or near the scar as though they were left at the time 
the wall was dismantled. Any evidence of a side room, or anteroom, was destroyed by action 
of the stream. 

Pottery 

Aside from seven sherds of Abajo Red-on-orange (Brew, 1 946) near but not on the floor of 
Structure 32, the pottery recovered from the Basketmaker structures was Lino Gray (Colton 
and Hargrave, 1937). Approximately 1,200 sherds of Lino Gray were recovered from within 
and near the three Basketmaker structures. Of this number only 1 1 showed traces of black 
painted design — Lino Black-on-gray. Many of the sherds were coated with a fugitive red 
pigment, and on many other sherds specks of red pigment could be found in tiny pits on the 
exterior surface. It is my impression that it was a general practice at Tse-ta'a, during Basket- 
maker times, to coat the surface of plain ware vessels with red pigment. It is probable that vessels 
destined for the cooking fire were not painted. 

Other Artifacts 

Several of the bone tools lost after the 1949 season (p. 109) were from the Basketmaker level, 
but no artifacts presently in the Tse-ta'a collection can definitely be ascribed to Basketmaker 
times. 



29 




w$- 









- 









„ RE 9 -(„) *,»*, 28, shewing fa,, /fa ,v„,vfa»„ /.r Ms mMI room «,< ,fa» th, lop of Ike pithou* Steirn *• JM" 
«/g* o/ the floor indicates the former edge oj the stream bank. 



PUEBLO I PERIOD 



N 



' o Pueblo I houses had been excavated and reported on at Canyon de Chelly 
prior to the Tse-ta'a excavations. The houses and probable kiva illustrate an interesting trans- 
ition in construction from the earlier pithouses to the later puebloan construction. 



Structures 

Structures that can be assigned to the Pueblo I period were grouped into a tight little 
unit (fig. 10) : two rectangular rooms (Strs. 29 and 30) built against the cliff, which was utilized 
for one wall of each; a large circular room (Str. 26), which was partly destroyed by stream action; 
and a small circular structure (Str. 28). Two incomplete slab cists (Str. 40) probably belonged 
to this period but not necessarily with the houses just listed. These houses were constructed 
immediately above the Basketmaker houses — so closely, in fact, that the shallow excavation for 
Structure 28 cut into the top of the wall of Structure 32. 

It was probably during Pueblo I times (and also prior to the construction of the houses listed 
above) that someone leveled off the fill within Structure 38 and built therein a good-sized circular 
chamber of wattle-and-daub construction. We found only a short arc of this hut (Str. 39) ; 
most of it had been destroyed by the stream. 

At the time these houses were constructed it would appear that the people of the canyon were 
still going through the motions of making pithouses but that the form of the pithouse and the 

31 



method of construction had become little more than a formality. House excavations at Tse-ta'a 
were shallow pits — a mere 6 to 12 inches deep. The sides of the excavations were lined with 
either slabs or with spalls of rock, but true masonry was built above the ground surface. The 
walls were still rather flimsy, but they were of masonry rather than the wall-facing found in the 
Basketmaker houses. 

All the Pueblo I houses (except Structure 39) appear to have been in use at the same time. 
Except for disturbed soil which lay between Structures 26 and 28, the surface at the time the 
houses were occupied was evident, and there was no doubt in my mind at the time of excavation, 
nor is there now, that the four structures represent a single dwelling unit, quite possibly occupied 
by one family group. Structures 29 and 30 had good plaster floors, and in 29 a damaged fire pit 
and a symmetrical hole, well plastered but of unknown use in a corner of the room, suggested that 
the structure was used as a home. There was no indication of the use to which Structure 30 was 
put. Structure 28 probably was a small storage chamber. That leaves only the use of Structure 
26 undetermined. 

Structure 26, as can be seen by taking a quick look at figure 9, was more or less round. The 
principal wall of the structure was laid in a shallow excavation (less than a foot) and was of 
horizontally coursed masonry laid without the use of basal slabs. There is nothing particularly 
noteworthy about the structure until one takes notice of the firebox and the "bin." The firebox 
was deep and well made; its sides and bottom were lined with stone slabs and it had a high molded 
adobe collar. 

The "bin" seemed to be an exaggerated version of the bin found in Structure 38 but was an 
integral part of the original room rather than of apparent later construction as in the Basketmaker 
house. The excavation for the bin extended nearly 2 feet below the floorline, and its sides and 
bottom were lined with large slabs. Above floorline the walls of the bin, except on the side 

Figure 10. 



— , — -~— - 



© © 




32 



formed by the curved wall of the house, were constructed of very carefully shaped stones of 
uniform width and thickness and almost uniform length. This was one of the best pieces of 
masonry in the entire ruin (fig. 9). 

The only remaining feature in the room was a large slab, embedded vertically in the floor near 
the edge of the fill. There was no hint as to its purpose. 

As was the custom at Tse-ta'a, these rooms were abandoned, the roofs were probably dis- 
mantled and the timbers used for other structures, and most of the stones of the walls were 
carried off to new construction. Even the floors were swept clean. Little remained of the rooms 
except the room outlines and the basal portions of the walls. With only that to go on, one cannot 
be too sure of statements concerning the use to which the Pueblo I rooms were put. Two 
explanations come quickly to mind : 

1. A pithouse dwelling, a departure from the "typical" Basketmaker pithouse, with an 
exaggerated firebox and a bin which could have been used for food storage or for religious 
ceremonies held in the home. Adjoining the pithouse are two storage rooms, one round and 
one square, and a larger rectangular room which might have been a second dwelling. 

2. A rectangular dwelling with an adjacent room (Str. 30) of general use, a small round 
corncrib, and a kiva. This is the explanation I prefer. The general aspect of Structure 26 
was more that of a form of kiva than of a dwelling, and the well made bin could easily have 
been a variant form of the antechamber, a fairly common feature of Pueblo kivas. Any possible 
evidence of deflector or ventilator had long been destroyed by erosion by the time we excavated 
the room. Also, although the floor was well packed adobe and nearly complete except for a few 
small broken patches, there was no sign of any such thing as a sipapu. It all boils down to the 
single thought that, although there is no strong evidence for such a statement, I believe this must 
have been a kiva of the Pueblo I period. (See Smith, 1952, p. 154, et seq., for his discussion of 
"When is a Kiva.") The arrangement of rooms and kiva is also similar to that normally found 
while excavating sites of the Pueblo I horizon. The usual pattern of a block of living and storage 
rooms (well illustrated in Roberts, 1939, fig. 44) was here distorted because it was desirable to 
build in the shelter of the cliff yet in a position protected from falling rocks. Here, as with the 
Basketmaker pithouses and with some of the later kivas, we were cursed by the fact that the Rio 
de Chelly had destroyed the eastern, away-from-the-cliff, portion of the structure. Any lateral 
appendage to the room such as ventilators or antechamber was destroyed long before we started 
work at the site. 



Pottery 

The floors of the various rooms of the Pueblo I houses were nearly barren of sherds, and the 
fill within the rooms was disturbed enough so that Navajo Utility, Dogoszhi Black-on-white, 
Mancos Black-on-white, and a considerable amount of corrugated pottery was found in close 
association with the sherd types that are generally considered Pueblo I. 

The two principal diagnostic pottery types for Pueblo I, Kana'a Gray and Kana'a Black-on- 



white, were present in quantity, with Lino Gray of almost as frequent occurrence as the Kana'a 
Gray. Lino Gray, the primary Basketmaker pottery type, persisted well into Pueblo I times. 
It is possible that the Tse-ta'a Pueblo I structures represent a horizon of early Pueblo I times, 
but I know of no way to put such a statement to the test. The custom of painting vessels with a 
fugitive red pigment apparently died out before the pottery type, for only one of approximately 
300 Kana'a and Lino Gray sherds from this period showed traces of red pigment. 

During this time three sherds of a brown ware were found which fit no published description 
but which appear to have more in common with pottery types of the Forestdale district than 
with those of the closer Petrified Forest area. As will be shown, a similarly small number of 
brown sherds of the same type was found in close association with the Pueblo II floors. Ap- 
parently an item of trade was a single sherd of Bluff-La Plata Black-on-red (Brew, 1946). 

The sherd count of types found in close proximity to the Pueblo I floors was as follows: 

Pottery Sherds 

type found 

Lino Gray 45 

Fugitive Red 1 

Kana'a Gray 66 

Lino-Kana'a (body sherds) 127 

Corrugated 41 

Tooled plain ware 1 

Kana'a Black-on-white 15 

Deadmans Black -on-white 11 

Dogoszhi Black-on-white 1 

Brown ware 3 

Bluff-La Plata Black-on-red 1 

Corrugated 346 

Mancos-Vesa Verde Black-on-white 42 

The last two groups of sherds were removed from the bottom of a Pueblo III pit which 
coincided with the floor of Structure 30. The other sherds of corrugated vessels were found 
throughout the fill at about the floor levels of the various rooms. 



Stone — Pueblo I or II 

Polishing stone 

Small flake knife of petrified wood 

Flake knife (petrified wood) 

End scraper (petrified wood) 

Broken blade (petrified wood) 

Triangular flake knife (petrified wood) 

Three small flakes of ocher 

Hematite nodule 

Small spherical hammerstone 



34 



Three broken projectile points and nine flakes of flint found together 

Small scraper 

Small end of scraper (petrified wood) 

Round sandstone jar lid 

Turquoise bead 

Triangular petrified wood scraper or knife 

Small mano-like rubbing or polishing stone 

Stone ax, grooved top and bottom 

2 stone axes, notched top and bottom 

Stone ax, full grooved 

Stone ax, full grooved (hematite) 

Stone tablet, smoothed on all surfaces (sandstone) 

Projectile point 

Sharpening or smoothing stone of crystalline limestone 

Stone ax, full grooved 

Small irregular piece of petrified wood, one end used for rubbing or polishing 







35 




^mH 















y 



< 






1 1 _( a ) The superimposed kivas, Structure 21. The black hat of the man on the left is at the floorline {or the Pueblo III 
The men are standing on the floor of the Pueblo II structure, (b) Structure 49. Masonry-and-slab box is adjacent to the 
kiva wall and ventilator opening. 



PUEBLO II PERIOD 



A 



.lthough large quantities of Pueblo II pottery were recovered during the excava- 
tions, very few structures of the period were found. It seemed likely that nearly all houses of 
the Pueblo II period were razed for materials to build the later Pueblo III houses. 



Structures 

The Pueblo II period is poorly represented in the material and information recovered 
from Tse-ta'a. There is, in addition, something puzzling about the distribution of structures 
of this period and, although the answers deduced from the evidence may be correct, we 
cannot be sure. 

At the extreme south end of the site, as it existed in 1949, were the remains of two rooms and 
a kiva of Pueblo II times; 60 feet north was another kiva of the period (the lower portion of 
Str. 21) with a small portion of a single, probably subterranean, rectangular room. Finally, 
about 100 feet north of the latter kiva were a number of masonry walls which underlay the 
Pueblo III rooms that we dug in 1950 and which may belong to Pueblo II structures. 

In 1949, at the south end of the site, the alluvium extended no more than 4 or 5 feet from the 
cliff, and it seems probable that additional rooms once stood where there is now only space over 
the riverbed. There is plenty of room for these problematic houses, for the fall line of rocks from 
the cliff top is about 25 feet from the cliff at this point (fig. 12). 

37 



The Pueblo II kiva near the center of the site must have stood alone, unless some rooms stood 
on ground now washed away. One strong possibility which, if true, would place some dwellings 
around this kiva is that the later, Pueblo III, construction completely obliterated the earlier 
homes. It may also be true that some of the wall scars on the cliff face near Structure 21 may 
be of Pueblo II houses. 

I know nothing of the Pueblo II houses under the north portion of the ruin; I refer to the 
masonry walls we found under the north Pueblo III village as of this period only because the 
situation seems to be the same as that at the south end of the site. 

The Kivas 

The features which remain of the two kivas of the Pueblo II occupation are similar and can 
briefly be summarized. 

Of Structure 21 there was nothing left but a short masonry arc, which apparently represents 
about one-fifth the original circumference of the kiva (fig. 11). The floor was of packed earth, 
and in the segment we found there were no features. 

The wall of the kiva was almost exactly 6 feet high and was originally built as a sheer wall with 
no banquettes, pilasters, or the like, nor did we find any niches in the remaining masonry. The 
wall is of weak construction. The masonry, like -that of the Basketmaker pithouses of the site, 
served principally as a liner for the kiva excavation. Although the stones are shaped and laid up 
neatly, the wall probably would not stand alone for long. This kiva was entirely subterranean. 

At some time after the kiva was completed, a bench 3 feet high and 1 foot wide was built 

Figure 12. 




38 



*£/" 



d 






..f 




■■ 



;; ■&}# 









fr:. 




■i 



I 

' we2L 
'■HE* liL^'-^L 



"•'i 







r 



*v« 



Figure 13. — (a) Elevation of Structure 25 (Pueblo II lava). The rod is marked in 6-inch-long units. 

around the room — or at least around the portion that we found. The bench was of masonry 
facing with earth fill. 

No trace of any roofing material or method of roofing was found. 

Structure 25, the second Pueblo II kiva, was very similar in dimensions to Structure 21. 
Here, the top of the wall is 7 feet above the floor and the masonry is of much better workmanship 
than at the other kiva. When Structure 25 was constructed, a shallow bench was built as a part 
of the wall on the north side of the room; this bench was subsequently obliterated by building a 
masonry facing on the bench to the height of the ceiling. Three small niches, at random heights 
above the floor, were found in the wall; all were empty. Approximately one-half of this kiva 
was below ground level. 

The floor of Structure 25 (fig. 13) contained a double firepit, a vertical slab which might have 
been a deflector, and two depressions. The firepit consisted of two boxes, lined with slabs which 
projected about 4 inches above the floor. The slab which served as the divider for the two boxes 
was a broken metate. The slabs on the west side of the west box were large blocks of sandstone 
which formed a flat surface, and at the south end of these stones was a shallow depression like a 
pot rest. Two feet west of the firepits was a shallow square depression on the floor, and near the 
present south end of the room was a small triangular depression capped by a triangular wad of 
dried mud (fig. 13). The vertical slab near the south wall probably had nothing to do with any 
arrangement of fireboxes, deflector and ventilator shaft. Judging not only by the position of the 
fireboxes, but also on the disposition of features in other kivas at the site, the deflector and venti- 
lator probably lay to the east of the fireboxes. The purpose of the slab that we found could not 
be determined. 



39 







- ' 








Figure 1 3. — (b) Floor of Structure 25, showing the firebox, vertical slab, and the triangular depression with 
its mud filling. Here also, the broken edge of the floor indicates the cutbank at the time work began. 

The Rooms 

Aside from the dimensions of floors and walls, we obtained no information from the rooms of 
this period. There were no artifacts associated with either rooms or kivas. 

Pottery 

Mancos Black-on-white is one of the diagnostic pottery types for Pueblo II in the San Juan. 
It is well represented in the collection from Tse-ta'a, but nearly all sherds of this pottery type 
came from areas of disturbed fill. It is rather distressing that so little Pueblo II pottery was found 
in close association with the structures of that period. 

The lower, Pueblo II, portion of Structure 21 was used as a refuse pit after it was abandoned, 
and from the lower half of the room we removed more than 400 sherds. One of the sherds was 
of Forestdale Smudged, the balance was composed entirely of fragments of corrugated pottery. 

From the disturbed earth which covered the floors of Structures 22, 23, and 25, sherds of 
Basketmaker and Pueblo I provenience far outnumbered those of the later period. Lino Gray, 
Kana'a Gray, and Kana'a Black-on-white were the common types found there. The few Pueblo 
II varieties were Gallup, Holbrook, and Black Mesa Black-on-white (four, three, and one 
sherds respectively), and two pieces of Bluff Black-on-red. 



40 




736-fWWS o— or, 4 



41 




■12 



PUEBLO III PERIOD 



i 



.t is somewhat difficult to reconstruct the story of the Pueblo III occupation of Tse-ta'a, 
and particularly so at the south end of the site. Since two distinct village locations are involved, 
I shall describe them separately, starting at the south end (De Harport's site CC86). 



South Ruin Structures 

Strung along the base of the cliff was a group of seven rooms and a kiva (fig. 14). This 
statement is an exaggeration in that not a single room was complete in either horizontal or vertical 
dimensions. We did find a short section of the east wall of Structure 7, so that the size of that 
room, alone, could be determined. Only a small portion of the kiva remained. 

A number of square or rectangular patches of mud plaster on the cliff over the rooms indi- 
cated the position of second- and third-story rooms. Other parts of the cliff exhibit the scars of 
former walls which once stood high above the 1949 ground level, and there are pictographs and 
petroglyphs on the cliff which could only have been placed there by persons standing on 
second-, third-, and even one fourth-story roof. 

Some of the wall scars and plaster patches are situated directly over the rooms we dug and 
probably represent upper stories of that building. At other points, and particularly over Struc- 
ture 21, there were evidences of multistoried rooms which had no connection with the existing 
structures. These rooms had been completely erased, except for the evidence on the cliff, and 
there is now no way of estimating their age. Some of the scars might have been of late Pueblo II 
times, or of early Pueblo III. 

43 



The walls standing at the time of the excavations exhibited two distinct masonry styles. 
Structures 19, 20, and 21 were constructed of walls that were faced on both sides, and the heavy 
walls of the kiva were not only faced on both sides but also had cores of rubble. 

The other rooms, Structures 3, 4, 5, 7, and 1 1 were of an entirely different masonry. For 
these walls, larger stone blocks, roughly shaped by pecking, had been used. The walls were 
but a single stone in thickness. 

Judging solely on the type of masonry it would appear that the kiva and Structure 19 were 
the oldest rooms of the Pueblo III period at the south village. The masonry is of a type frequently 
associated with the development of the Chaco subculture. According to Ferdon (1955, p. 3 
et seq.) this cored masonry is one of the diagnostic traits associated with the introduction of a 
number of new ideas and customs, probably all religious in nature, into the San Juan Bas ; n 
about A.D. 1050. 

The kiva, Structures 20 and 21 (figs. 13 and 14), is a fascinating architectural remnant. 
But the very forces of erosion which made it possible to excavate the site also destroyed the major 
part of the kiva and rendered it impossible to determine its exact nature. 

The Pueblo III kiva was superimposed over the Pueblo II chamber. I believe it possible 
that the latter kiva still was roofed at the time the later construction began, for the remaining 
walls of the earlier room were apparently complete up to the roofline. The fill in the lower room 
was of two types : Up to the level of the banquette the fill was composed of a humus type of soil 



Figure 14. 





STREAM 



and contained relatively few sherds, but from bench to roofline the room was filled with what 
appeared to be surface trash. This portion of the fill was composed of a rubble of clods of dirt, 
broken building stones, and litter which apparently was scraped from the ground near the 
pueblo. 

A shallow trench was dug around the wall of the Pueblo II kiva. The trench was about 6 
inches deep and 2 feet wide. The base of the wall for the Pueblo III kiva was then laid in this 
trench. At the time of the new construction the ground level at the site had risen about a foot 
above the top of the Pueblo II kiva so that the entire trench excavation was slightly more than 
\)'i feet, and more than two-thirds the height of the later kiva was above ground. 

I do not know the size of the new kiva but it must have been a little under 20 feet in diameter. 
Other than the bench, which is about a foot wide, the remaining portion of the kiva has no 
features to record. 

The mark of distinction is placed on this kiva by the peripheral rooms which surround the 
remaining wall (fig. 14). These small cubbylike chambers are rather symmetrically placed 
and carefully built. The masonry is of the same type, and apparently of the same time, as the 
wall of the kiva. There were no doors or other openings between the rooms, and at the time cf 
excavations the walls apparently stood at their original height. Within the rooms built against 
it, the cliff was carefully faced with thin panels of masonry and all the floors were paved with 
blocks of sandstone. Each small chamber was filled with clean sand. There was no evidence 
of any roof or covering over these rooms. 



JoaoUU 








d:^% 




ST REAM 



Why? If this was merely some Indian's attempt to make his semisubterranean kiva appear 
to be completely below ground, it is the most elaborate arrangement I know. It was a common 
practice within both the Chaco and Mesa Verde subcultures for the builder of a kiva to knock 
out the partition walls of a block of four rooms and to build his kiva in the resulting square. 
Perhaps the builder at Tse-ta'a was starting from scratch, with no walls high enough to form a 
box for his kiva. I suspect, however, that some walls must have stood against the cliff, for 
there are several old wall scars above the structure. 

At first glance the peripheral rooms resemble those built at some Great Kivas (notably at 
Aztec Ruins and Lowry Ruin). It is possible that here, perhaps, was a very small Great Kiva but, 
unfortunately, not enough is left of the structure to give an answer. 1 The more I consider the 
arrangement, however, the more I become convinced that this is merely a kiva built by a man 
with a little more than his share of imagination and either an excess of time or an excess of help. 
The peripheral rooms probably were built to insure that the kiva would be subterranean. It is 
also quite possible that this was a variant of the double- and triple-walled kivas of the San Juan 
drainage (Vivian, 1959), but it is some distance from Tse-ta'a to the nearest known multiwalled 
structures in Colorado. 

1 De Harport, 1951, describes four circular structures in Canyon de Chelly which he thought might be Great 
Kivas. He also suggested that they might have been either ball courts or circular dance plazas. All four are in 
the upper canyon, above Spider Rock. I have not seen these sites, but there possibly was a Great Kiva at Antelope 
House, in Canyon del Muerto. I trenched the latter structure while stabilizing some walls in 1942. The walls 
now stand no more than a foot above the probable floorline, and all floor features have been destroyed by Navajo 
who built a small corral there. This "Great Kiva" was about 30 feet in diameter, with two small opposing room- 
like chambers. 

Figure 15. 




PUEBLO m -NORTH RUIN 

GROUND PLAN 

OE CHELLY NATIONAL MONUMENT- 



46 



If the walls of the kiva and of the adjoining Structure 19 had a Chaco look about them, the 
remaining Pueblo III rooms at the south ruin had a second-rate Mesa Verde appearance. 
Sherds of Mesa Verde Black-on-white pottery were found on and near the floors of these rooms, so 
it seems safe enough to say that they were constructed by people who were receiving cultural 
stimuli from the Mesa Verde area. 

Structure 13, probably the latest room of the group, was built in the space between Structures 
1 1 and 19, that is between the "Chaco" and "Mesa Verde" quarters. It is possible that Structure 
19 was still in use at the time that Structure 13 was occupied. 

This brings us to another question. Was there a Mesa Verde kiva connected with the Mesa 
Verde type rooms? I don't know. There was once a room east of Structure 7 and presumably 
a line of other rooms in front of those we dug. There probably was room for a kiva. It is also 
possible that people living in the newer rooms used the older kiva, for it gave the appearance of 
being almost intact until destroyed by the stream. 



North Ruin Structures 

Some of the walls of the north ruin stood two and three stories until near the end of the 
Pueblo III period. There was considerable rebuilding throughout the village area during the 
occupation, and various types and qualities of masonry are exhibited in the existing walls. 
In contrast to what we did at the south ruin, we did not dig below the Pueblo III level here or 
tear down the walls we found. 




47 



A few walls of the north ruin were built of masonry of the "Chaco" type (fig. 15), two 
stones thick with a finished surface on each face. Most of the walls are only a single stone in 
thickness but are well made of rather large blocks. There was a tendency by the builders to 
place thin layers of spalls between the courses of larger stones. 

Here, as at the south ruin, there were no timbers or other roofing material even though the 
location was protected enough so that large timbers, at least, should have been preserved. 

There was remarkably little wall material in the fill of the various rooms except within 
Structure 49, which was filled with wall rubble. This kiva had been abandoned and filled to a 
depth of about a foot with earth and windblown sand. Then a three-story wall north of the kiva 
collapsed and half filled the hole. Later the wall south of the kiva, two stories high, also collapsed, 
and this fall completely filled the kiva with building stones. This last fall was the one which 
killed the little Pueblo girl (B26). 

A significant burial was made in another abandoned kiva. This was the old woman (B29) 
who was laid out in fill about 6 inches above the floor of Structure 56. Although two of the 
ceramic offerings buried with this woman were culinary vessels and, therefore, difficult to date, 
a third vessel was an unpainted Mesa Verde white ware bowl. 

Evidence, so far, indicates that the rooms of the north ruin were built during the late Pueblo 

II and very early Pueblo III occupation of Tse-ta'a and were abandoned and used as a source 
of building supply during the later part of the period. In addition, the evidence of the sherds 
strongly supports such an assumption, for the predominant type throughout the north ruin is 
Mancos Black-on-white. Mesa Verde Black-on-white, and associated types of later Pueblo III 
times, appeared scattered through the upper part of the fill. These were usually in association 
with outdoor firepits or other use areas not directly connected with walls, which even then must 
have been in ruins. 

Most of the rebuilding at this part of the ruin was in the upper stories. The lower 3 to 4 feet 
of fill seemed to be house refuse from the upper stories, and the painted sherds in those levels 
were predominantly Mancos Black-on-white. Mesa Verde Black-on-white and other Pueblo 

III types occurred almost entirely in the zone beginning about 4 feet above the floors of these 
rooms. 

At the north ruin there is as much evidence for extensive rebuilding as at the other village 
area. The evidence is partly on the cliff face where wall scars, plastered areas, and pictographs 
indicate vanished rooms, and partly in the varieties of masonry in the walls. 

The existing rooms of the north ruin offer nothing of particular interest or importance. The 
rooms tend to be rectangular and rather large, with a rectangular firebox near the center of 
the room. Some rooms lacked the firebox and, I suppose, should be considered as storage 
rooms. In one place (Str. 45) the firebox was in a corner of the room and in Structures 45 and 
46 stone boxes of identical construction to a firebox were located in corners (fig. 16). The latter 

Figure 16. — (a) West end of Structure 45, with slab-lined box (not a firebox). The doorway was raised 
well above the floor, and below was a ventilator-like opening, (b) Possible mealing bin, Structure 50. 
The three manos are shown in position, but no metates — or indications of any — were found. 

48 



I — 



mJT 



*4- 



X"*v 






.«r- 



■" « - — » 




■r- ''■■■* 



■ i 









LJ 







I* 

I 



2 




736-066 0—66 5 



49 



were in addition to the fireboxes in the centers of the rooms and their purpose is unknown- 
no fire had ever been built in them. The walls of Structures 54, 57, and 58 were the highest 
in this whole group of rooms, standing 4 to 5 feet high (fig. 17). 

Figure 17. — (a) View south from near the north ruin. The man in the foreground is in Structure 59. 
(/;) Part of north ruin. 








t , 


' i£ •*■* £*•** 


- 


'^JM'^- \ 



A few dismantled and nearly obliterated rooms were found (Str. 45, 46, 48, 51), but the 
ground plan of this village (fig. 15) probably indicates the extent of the first story of the structure 
at the time it was finally abandoned as a village. Even taking into account second- and third- 
story rooms, one's impression is that the percentage of kivas was high when compared with the 
number of rooms. And no two of these kivas were alike. 

Structure 47 (fig. 18) remains a puzzle in this alinement of ceremonial rooms: there was 
no ventilator. How did fresh air come into this room? No evidence of any ventilating system 
remains. One kiva (49) had a masonry deflector, and one (56) had a circular adobe-rimmed 
firepit rather than a stone-lined firebox. The latter was the only kiva with a possible sipapu. 
It was apparently one of the last units constructed at this part of the site and was an exceptionally 
poor job of building, both in plan and execution. 

FIGURE 18. — (a) Tap oj ventilator shaft, Structure 55. (b) Holes in floor of Structure 47. 'These holes 
had been Idled with sand, then plastered over. The slab structure at the left is the remains of what was 
probably a storage pit built some time after the kiva was abandoned. When the Lira was about half filled 
with earth and trash, a floor was leveled within tin structure, a large firebox made, and this slab-lined pit dug. 
(r) Cornci oj firebox and position of two of the four buried corrugated jars, Structure 46. The stone slab 
(overs one of the jars; it was the only far found covered. 



50 




51 



LAST OF THE ANASAZI 



T 

JL. he ii 



he influx of Mesa Verdeans into Canyon de Chelly represented a climax of a sort. 
Certainly it was the culmination of more than 1,000 years of cultural development in the area. 
The population of the canyons apparently had been indigenous and stable throughout these 
centuries. The colonies of Mesa Verde people who suddenly appeared about the middle of 
the 13th century were the first intrusive group to enter the scene in force since the Basketmaker- 
Pueblo pattern became recognizable. 

At present we have no knowledge of the duration of the Mesa Verde occupation. Neither 
do we know whether they moved into a recently abandoned canyon or merely occupied sites 
adjacent to the homes of people of long tenure. It appears, however, that both the oldtime 
population and the Mesa Verde people were gone from the canyons by or shortly after 1300. 
The Mesa Verde groups thus came at a time of cultural disruption, for throughout the San 
Juan Basin the Pueblo villages were abandoned and the population dispersed. Apparently 
the same thing happened in Canyon de Chelly and vicinity. The arrival of the Mesa Verdeans 
was but an item in a breakup and regrouping of a community which had been hundreds of 
years in the making. 

There is ample evidence of serious soil erosion towards the close of the Pueblo III period 
(p. 7), but I doubt that the canyons became uninhabitable. In recent times, even during the 
years of most severe drought, enough ground water is contained in the canyon soils to mature 
moderate crops. The abandonment of the canyons must have been but a small part of the 
general mass movement of people out of the San Juan. It does not indicate that a living was no 
longer to be obtained from the local soil. 

The void apparently did not exist for long. Newcomers must have appeared on the scene 
within a short time but with a different manner of using the land. The newcomers were an- 
cestors of the present day Hopi. For the next 400 years Canyon de Chelly was a provinc e of 
Hopi land, and the agricultural use of the canyons was strikingly similar to that of the present-day 
Navajo. 

53 



•HP* 



w 



V 



r 








HOPI OCCUPATION 



T 

JL- hrou 



hroughout the canyons one may find an occasional sherd of Hopi pottery. The 
places where such sherds are fairly common are frequently referred to as "refugee" sites, for it 
is generally assumed that they represent a post-Pueblo Rebellion occupancy of Canyon de Chelly 
by Hopis who sought to avoid retaliation by Spanish forces. 

Earl Morris, of the Carnegie Institution, is said to have found "quite a few" Hopi sherds 
at White House. De Harport (1950) found that sites yielding Hopi sherds are located uniformly 
along Canyon de Chelly and do not tend to be concentrated in any particular area or situation. 
There can be no question that Canyon de Chelly is intimately connected with the early history 
of the Hopi people. At least three Hopi clans claim that their ancestors spent some time in the 
canyons (V. Mindeleff, 1891, pp. 19, 20, and 30). The abandoned town of Payupki, in par- 
ticular, is associated in Hopi minds with Canyon de Chelly (ibid., p. 40). 

I have been told by several Navajo at various times that when the Navajo first arrived at 
Canyon de Chelly they found Hopis living there and the newcomers promptly drove the Pueblos 
away. The Navajo also give the Hopi credit for planting the first peach trees in the canyons. 

The Tse-ta'a excavations yielded no evidence of a short-lived occupancy by refugees but of 
long, and probably seasonal, use by a sparse population. If the Hopi occupation had come 
about as a result of the Pueblo rebellion, one would expect a majority of Hopi pottery in Canyon 
de Chelly to be of late 17th and early 18th century type, and the villages or settlements to be of 
a rather large population. Neither of these conditions existed. 

55 



I know of no occurrence in the canyons of Hopi houses or villages. Hopi sherds of the 
period 1300-1700 are to be found at many locations. These places frequently suggest that 
the persons who broke the pots were living in flimsy shelters or under ramadas. Even at Tse-ta'a 
there was but a single structure which I thought to be of Hopi origin — and it was probably a 
corncrib. These people might have lived in old Pueblo III rooms which were still roofed or 
they might even have rebuilt some of the old rooms, but I found no evidence of this. 

At Tse-ta'a, a few Hopi orange-ware sherds were found on the surface before we started to 
dig, and we recovered several dozen Hopi sherds and one bowl during the course of the excava- 
tions. Most of these were found just under the crust of sheep manure which covered the entire 
site. The sherds were in close association (hopelessly mixed in most places) with Navajo ma- 
terial. This mixture is probably because the Navajo, as all their predecessors at Tse-ta'a, dug 
extensively on the site; they leveled husking floors and dug postholes and storage bins to con- 
tinue the confusion started centuries earlier. 

Of all the structures at Tse-ta'a, only Structure 12 can, with any degree of assurance, be 
labeled as Hopi. This small roundish "room" was probably built as a corncrib, and it differed 
in no way from the remains of such chambers built by the Navajo. The masonry walls had been 
almost completely demolished, and nowhere did the walls stand more than three or four courses 
hio;h. The floor was of packed adobe, and on it lay fragments of two wicker baskets, a tiny 
fragment of a coiled basket, one-half of a yucca-leaf sandal, and a crudely made throwing stick. 
All these were firmly cemented to the floor by a good crust of manure. Any one of these items 
could have been acquired by the Navajo and brought to the canyon, but the association of all 
on the floor of this small chamber leads me to believe that they represent the period of Hopi 
occupation of the canyons. There were some assorted sherds on the floor also; these ranged in 
in time and type from Mesa Verde Black-on-white and St. Johns Polychrome to Navajo utility 
(but none of Hopi wares). 

The piece of coiled basket was one of the items lost after the 1949 season. One of the wicker 
baskets was so fragmentary that nothing could be learned of it other than the type of weave; the 
other appeared to have been a conical basket or one with a constricted base — a sort of burden 
basket. The sandal is of an over-one, under-one twill, identical with many hundreds found in 
clifT dwellings throughout the Southwest. The curved throwing stick is of a type commonly 
used by both Hopi and Navajo. 

One of the Tse-ta'a burials was definitely Hopi and another is a "possible." Burial 27, a 
child, flexed, had a small bowl of Payupki Polychrome as an offering. The possible Hopi was 
Burial 26, a young girl who apparently was standing on the rubble of an abandoned kiva (Str. 49) 
when a two-story wall just south of the kiva fell on her. The occipital deformation of her skull 
indicates that she was a Pueblo girl, and her position on the fill of the abandoned kiva would 
place her in very late prehistoric or early historic times. 

The Hopi sherds at the ruin are of particular interest, for they cover a wide span of years from 
the 13th to the 19th centuries — with a possible break in the 17th century. This break might only 
have been apparent at Tse-ta'a, however. It would not be wise to assume that since no 17th 
century pottery types were found at the site Hopis were absent from the canyons at that time. 

56 



The Tse-ta'a pottery specimens of the Hopi series, with the dates published for the types, are 
as follows : 

Pottery 

type Date 

Kwaituki Polychrome 1250-1 300 

Jeddito Plain 1 300 to present 

Homolovi Corrugated 1300-1625 

Jeddito Stippled 1350-1600 

Payupki Polychrome 1 8th century 

Payupki Black-on-orange 18th century 

Polacca Polychrome 19th century 

Some of the above dates are from Colton and Hargrave (1937), others are from a personal 
communication from Colton dated 1951. 

The two Payupki types are represented by 20 sherds, about one-half of a a shallow bowl, and 
the complete bowl found with Burial 27 (fig. 19). The other types furnished from one to six 
sherds each. One sherd of Hawikuh Glaze-on-white, from the Zuni series, was found. 

Of particular interest are the fragments of three Hopi textiles which were recovered. These 
were identified by Miss Irene Emery of the Textile Museum, Washington, D.C., and one is 
illustrated in figure 19. 



Figure 19. — (a) A small Payupki (Hopi) Polychrome bowl found with Burial 27. 





INCHES 



(b) Fragment of Hopi textile. 



57 



NAVAJO OCCUPATION 



i 



should note here that, as the work started, I was not particularly interested in the Navajo 
material found at the top of the fill. The entire south end of the site was covered with a heavy 
crust (6 to 12 inches thick) of hard-packed sheep manure, and my chief concern was to get the 
crust removed so that we could go to work on the puebloan structures below. As a result, notes 
on the initial phase of the work are very sketchy, and it was not until we found the old playing 
card (p. 64, fig. 22) adhering to the bottom of the crust that I suddenly realized that some 
Navajo material of considerable antiquity and interest was being overlooked. 

If we had started to look for Navajo material at the beginning, however, I doubt that any 
more information other than a few artifacts would have been recovered. Has anyone tried to 
run a stratigraphic test in an old corral? To do so would be similar to an attempt to separate 
felt into thin even layers. 

At the beginning of the second season I was ready for Navajo material but there was no 
crust at the north end of the site and Navajo artifacts were almost as nonexistent as the manure. 
The sheep corral and working areas had all been located at the other end of Tse-ta'a. 



Structures 

The Navajo structures consisted of corncribs, firepits, and fragments of old husking floors. 
The individual cribs are described in the section on excavations and there need be no repetition 
of the descriptions here. In Canyon de Chelly, Navajo corncribs may be of two types; one is 
built below ground and the other above ground. To my knowledge there is no reason for a man 

59 



to build either type in preference to the other except for convenience. Subterranean cribs are 
invariably sunk in a corner of a prehistoric room, two walls built to create a small chamber 
in the corner and then a good tight pole-brush-and-clay roof constructed. Entrance is by means 
of a small hatch in the roof which can be sealed by either a piece of board or a flat stone. 

A more common form of crib is that type which is built against a cliff in a sheltered position. 
To build these, the Navajo erect three walls, and a stone or hard-packed clay floor, against the 
base of a cliff. These are roofed in the same manner as those cribs built below ground. Remains 
of both types were found at Tse-ta'a. Structures 9 and 10 were fine examples of the subterranean 
crib, and Structures 1, 2, 15, 16 (among others) were the remains of above-ground cribs. I 
found no example of the pit storage room described by Hill (1938, p. 43) for Canyon de Chelly. 

Husking floors are generally made in a sheltered spot, such as at Tse-ta'a Ruin, and consist 
of a thick smooth adobe floor, covering 200 to 300 square feet, laid directly on the ground. 
A floor is often used by one family for many years and is patched or repaired each year before 
the harvest season. On these floors the women split, pit, and spread peaches to dry, and husk 
corn, allowing it to dry before placing it in the cribs. We found several remnants of these 
floors over the site. 

The Navajo firepits were readily distinguishable from the earlier, puebloan, fireboxes. 
The latter were comparatively small, roundish or rectangular, and, almost without exception, 



Figure 20. — (a) Detail of fragment of krown-and-white Navajo saddle girth, (b) Detail of fragment 

of black-and-white Navajo blanket. 




Wa Wt. 


-m mi 



INCH 



60 



lined with stone slabs. The Navajo firepits at Tse-ta'a were of all sizes, from 1 to 4 feet 
in diameter, and were of the simplest construction. The firepits had been made by merely 
scooping out 2 or 3 inches of soil from the spot where the fire was to be built. Many of these 
firepits had been used for only a short time, perhaps only once, but others, and particularly one 
large firepit, apparently saw much use. 

On the floors of the abandoned corncribs and scattered through the fill near the cliff was an 
astonishing number of old axheads and hoes. We found 12 rusted poleax heads and at least 24 
heavy grubbing-hoe blades. Many of these were in little cachelike clusters of three or four 
specimens. These tools were probably serviceable when they were hidden away, and it was 
surprising to estimate the lost wealth these tools represented to a perennially poverty-stricken 
people. 

Textiles 

Some fragments of Navajo textiles were found. These included a few scraps of old blankets, a 
short section of a woven saddle girth, and a portion of a knitted sock (fig. 20). I had originally 
intended to add a study of these items and the Hopi textiles as an appendix to this report, but 
time did not permit it. 



Figure 20. — (c) Fragment of black-and-white Navajo blanket and two small pieces of bison hide. Found 
with cache of seeds, (d) Fragment of Navajo knitted sock or legging. 




y///A wa: ~ wa wa 



a w A V ///A vm m& 



INCHES 



61 



Pottery 

A half dozen complete, or nearly complete, vessels and 326 sherds of Navajo utility pottery 
were found at Tse-ta'a. Three of the whole vessels had been buried in the soft soil near the cliff. 
I assumed when we found the first it had been placed in that position as a small storage vessel, 
but there was no evidence of what the stored item had been. 

We finally found a pot with its contents intact. This pot was about three-fourths filled with 
squash, watermelon, and other seeds. Over the seeds several corncobs had been forced tightly 
into the vessel and these filled the pot to the rim. A short stick of juniper wood was laid across the 
rim and over this was a small square of a Navajo blanket, two small pieces of bison hide, and a 
flat rock. The seeds, I suppose, were saved for planting, and the corncobs were probably placed 
in the pot to fill the vessel and make it impossible for rodents to reach the seeds. The reason for 
the bison hide I do not know, though Hill (1938, p. 28) says that a piece of rag or buckskin 
was frequently placed over a jar which contained seeds. 

The seeds in the jar were examined and identified by Dr. Thomas W. Whitaker, of the U.S. 
Horticultural Field Station at La Jolla, Calif. Most of the seeds proved to be Cucurbita pepo, one 
of the aboriginal American squashes, but also present were C. maxima (winter squash), C. moschata 
(another native American squash), and Citrullus vulgaris (watermelon). A few Yucca baccata seeds 
and pinyon nuts were also found within the vessel. 

Of the six Navajo vessels, only one (fig. 21) had any ornamentation. This jar was not 
decorated with a fillet, the usual treatment, but has four pairs of luglike ornaments at the neck. 
The late Richard F. Van Valkenburgh (then employed by the Navajo Tribe) said that he had 
good evidence, based on tree-ring studies at old hogan sites, that modeled ornamentation of 
Navajo cooking pots was first practiced sometime after 1800. This means that ornamented 
cooking pots are probably post-1800 in age, but there is presently no means of determining the 
age of an undecorated vessel. These continued to be made after the introduction of the modeled 
ornamentation style and, in fact, have always been more common than the decorated specimens. 

There is a hope that in the future some estimate of at least comparative age may be made for 
Navajo cooking pots. Van Valkenburgh also felt that there are distinctions between cooking 
vessels of the 18th and early 19th centuries and those of the past 100 or 125 years. Vessel walls 
of the former time were thinner and the pottery harder than those made during the more recent 
period. Few of the sherds from Tse-ta'a were of a type Van Valkenburgh would have termed 
"old"; nearly all were of the thicker, softer, more recent variety. We found no Navajo painted 
pottery. 

Figure 21. — Navajo clay figurines (J% in. and 1% in. high) and cooking pot. 



62 





INCH 



J 



v 



63 



Other Artifacts 

Playing Card 

The playing card (fig. 22) which caused us to start looking for Navajo material was sent to the 
United States Playing Card Company, of Cincinnati, for identification. Mr. Louis Coffin 
answered that the card is from a Spanish-faced deck and, 

It is a King or Twelve of Clubs and the lower parts of the figures one two can be discerned in the 
upper left hand corner which leads us to believe that the card was manufactured either in Spain or in 
Mexico, after 1 801 , probably after 1821. We have been unable to identify the exact design of this King 
of Clubs with that of any Spanish or Mexican manufacturer's specimens of which we have on file, but it 
seems clear that the numerals in the left corners did not become general until about 1821 or later. 

We have a pack of such cards made in 1810 without the numbers and, although a pack made in Spain 
in 1 801 , did have corner numbers, these were in the upper right corner and, therefore, evidently 
experimental. 

Hargrave, who is a leading authority on the subject, says: "A pack of cards of 1801 first shows the 
numbering of the cards of each suit from one to twelve, at the upper right hand corner. — This 
numbering did not become customary until many years later." Above pack is unique in bearing all but 
one of the numbers in the right hand corner. We have 1810 cards without indexes. We have 1821 
and 1838 cards normally indexed as your specimen. 

The late L. H. McSparron, who at that time operated the Thunderbird Trading Post at 
Chinle, told me that until only a few years ago the Spanish-faced, or Monte, playing card deck 
was the common one on the reservation. Not only were these 40-card decks purchased from 
traders but there were Navajo copies of them with the figures painted on small pieces of buckskin. 



Figure 22. — (a) Face of playing card from Navajo horizon, with (right) a 
present-day version of the king of clubs in a Spanish-faced deck of cards. 




64 



Objects of Wood and Vegetal Remains 

A variety of wooden, and other vegetal, artifacts were found. Most of these were tools 
which apparently had been placed in corncribs for safe keeping and then never recovered. Men 
and women alike were apparently accustomed to the practice of using a corncrib as a repository 
for items which needed to be stored for a time. 



Figure 22. — 

(b) Fire-making hearth. 



Spinning and Weaving Tools 

The largest single category of Navajo items found consists of tools used in spinning and weav- 
ing. Six of the tools were probably battens and one, a long slender rod, might have served as 
a heddle rod. 

A spindle with two whorls and three isolated whorls and a wooden awl complete the spinning 
and weaving tools. 

Fire Hearth (Wolk'a') 

The hearth, a fire-making base, that was collected (fig. 22) was made of a rather long (present 
length 6 in. (1 55 mm.)) straight piece of peeled willow twig. Because the stick broke at one of the 
drilled holes there is no way of determining the original length or number of hearth holes in the 
specimen when it was first made. It is interesting in that the hearth was obviously made for a 
fairly long life of fire-making and broke before all the prepared positions for hearths had been used. 

To prepare the stick for use as a hearth the bark was peeled and a flat surface cut along the 
stick. Into the flat surface a number of "seats" for the twirl, or fire drill, were gouged. (These 
are very shallow depressions apparently made by sticking a knife point into the wood several 
times and each time flicking out a tiny splinter.) From each of the seats a notch was cut down 
the side of the stick to form a channel so that smoldering material from the hearth could ignite 
the tinder. The channels, very obviously, were cut with a fairly sharp metal knife. The fire- 
making holes were spaced at from one-half to three-fourths inch (about 1 to 2 cm.) apart along 
the stick. 

Navajo fire hearths are generally made of small slivers of juniper or cottonwood, but the 
chief requirement of the hearth is only that it be of a fairly soft, easily combustible material, 
so that this willow specimen need not be considered out of line. One wonders whether one of 
the charred holes in the specimen represents one or more fires. I have seen Navajo make fire 
with the drill and hearth several times but never thought to notice how much of the hearth stick 
was burned or charred. On the single occasion on which I timed the twirling, it took two men 
22 seconds of twirling to create a smolder and then 6 or 7 seconds of blowing to achieve a blaze. 
If that can be considered a normal time, then it is probable that each of the charred holes in 
this fire hearth probably represents a single fire because a hardwood stick, twirled rapidly for 
20 or more seconds, could easily wear and char holes the size of those in the specimen. 

No recognizable twirl was found. 

Figure 22. — (c) Green painted kitan 
of an arrow. The latter probably was 
clijf dwelling by a Navajo and lost or 







A 



i 



'^vl 



IS 

.1 




{upper) and the nock end 
picked up at a prehistoric 
deposited at Tse-ta'a. 



d 



INCH 




COt-i 



OJ 





wtf< 


w 


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w 




X 




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2 





Qj-i 



'^?~~" »■ 



Figure 23. — 

(a) .SV/fA; ofe. 



L. 






Kitan (K'et'a'n) 

During many Navajo ceremonies, particularly those which include sand-painting, small 
sticks, dedicated with prayers, are used to represent divinity (Hill, 1936, and Franciscan Fathers, 
1910, p. 396). As a rule these are used in pairs, a simple square-ended stick for the male divinity 
and one with a conventionalized face for the female. The sticks, in use, are generally adorned 
with feathers, cloth, or leaves. Chauncey Naboyia immediately identified the specimen we 
found in the upper levels of fill over Structure 47 as a male kitan. It is 3.8 inches (95 mm.) in 
length and was painted with a blue-green pigment which seems to be a pulverized copper ore. 
The wood appears to be either ponderosa or pinyon pine (fig. 22). 

Gaming Sticks 

Three stick dice (fig. 23) similar to those described and pictured by Culin (1907, p. 94 et 
seq.) were found. They are alike in that each has one face painted a faded black. One has a 
broken end, the other two are 2% and 4% inches long respectively. These three sticks were not 
found together, but in the game called set tilth three similar sticks are used. The sticks for this 
game are generally about 8 inches long and have one side flat and blackened and the other 
rounded and unpainted. 

In the sparse Navajo trash at the north end of the site, we found three sticks, two of which 
had grooves cut near one end and two (not the same two) had short lengths' of horsehair rope tied 
near an end. The rope was tied in the groove of one stick. 

Chauncey Naboyia volunteered the information that these sticks were employed in a game 
similar to the Hopi kicking ball game (Culin, 1907, p. 678). He said that the sticks were tied 
in pairs with the horsehair rope and that each racer had one of the pairs and tossed it before him 
with a stick about 3 feet long. 

His description is similar to various games which Culin (1907, pp. 647 et seq.) classified as 
double ball. I have been unable to find any reference to such a game among the Navajo nor 
have I found anyone who has seen such a race. 

One of the sticks is rather crudely sharpened at the end away from the horsehair lashing, 
and I strongly suspect that these "gaming sticks" were picket pins. The pins would not be 
strong enough to tether a horse, but I believe they would hold a sheep or goat. 

Basketry 

From the Navajo fill over Structure 50 we recovered two small fragments of basketry — 
both pieces probably coming from the same specimen. The weaving on the two pieces is a 
rather poorly done split stitch on a three-rod, bunched, foundation. 

From the floor of Structure 2 came a large fragment which constitutes about one-quarter of 
a three-rod uninterlocked-stitch bowl-shaped basket. There seems no question that the specimen 
is a portion of a so-called Navajo wedding basket. 



66 



Buckbrush and Oak Bundles 



Found together were four unusual double loops of buckbrush twigs to which clusters of oak 
leaves were lashed with strips of buckskin (fig. 23). I have been unable to find anything similar 
described in the literature, and the only Navajo comment when these were found was "Looks 
like somebody was making medicine." 

Gourd 

A scoop of gourd shell completes the list of items made from plants. 

Artifacts Made of Animal Remains 

One awl made from a large splinter of bone was found. There is no mark to help 
identify the animal but the splinter is big enough to indicate the bone is from a large animal. 
The specimen is not very old, for the bone still has a fresh appearance. 

Two large oval pieces of black sheepskin were promptly identified by the Navajo as snow- 
shoes. These were in no way comparable to the webbed footgear of northern latitudes but were 
merely coverings to keep the feet dry and warm in snowy or cold weather. Each shoe consisted 
of a large piece of sheepskin, with the fleece forming the upper (or inside) surface. Holes were 
punched through the skin near the edge and strips of whang passed through the holes to enable 
the wearer to tie the shoe over his foot. 

Ocher (Kletso) 

In a cluster on the floor of Structure 9 we found approximately three dozen balls, or con- 
cretions, of soft yellow material. This was analyzed as yellow ocher deposited on, or mixed 
with, limonite. The local source for the material, apparently, is at a place the Navajo call 
Red and White Canyon, which is somewhere "above" Three Turkey Canyon. 

When the ocher balls were found, one of the workmen, Stephen Charlie, volunteered the 
information that in the old days such material was used in the preparation of a blue dye. I have 
been able to find no reference to such a use for the ocher, but Matthews (1884, pp. 376-377 
does give a recipe for preparing a black dye with ocher as one of the ingredients. (See also 
O'Connell, 1939, and Franciscan Fathers, 1910, p. 230.) O'Connell reported that the yellow 
mineral used to prepare black dye is most frequently carnotite. 

In addition to the group of concretions found in Room 9 we occasionally found other ocher 
balls at the site. These always were found in association with Navajo sherds or other materials 
and never in a purely prehistoric horizon. 




Figure. 23 — 

(b) Bundles of oak leaves lashed to 
buckbrush (Ceanothuss/?.) handles 
with buckskin. 



Objects of Doubtful Navajo Origin 
Hafted Ax 

To my knowledge no hafted ax has been reported from a Navajo site, although a small 
full-grooved axhead was found at Big Bead Mesa (Keur, 1941) with a fall-grooved maul. Al- 



67 



though the specimen from Tse-ta'a (fig. 22) was found associated with unquestionable Navajo 
material, I believe, for two strong reasons, that this ax may be of Anasazi origin: 

1 . The full-grooved ax and the wrap-around haft with yucca strip lashing is traditionally 
Anasazi. A part of the lashing of this specimen is loosely spun, two-ply yucca fiber cord. 
In 1941 I found an almost identical specimen in Pueblo III debris at Mummy Cave. 

2. A few pieces of metal in the same stratum of refuse were pretty badly rusted, but the 
buckbrush (Ceanothus sp.) haft and yucca lashing on the specimen are remarkably sound. 

I suspect that not only did a Navajo find this hafted stone ax in some cliff dwelling but that 
it also was deposited at Tse-ta'a within recent years. 

The ax is a small basaltic pebble with a cutting edge rather crudely ground at one end and 
a groove pecked at top and bottom but not carried down the sides. 

Arrow Shaft 

A single, broken, arrow shaft was recovered from a floor high in the fill of Structure 54. 
The shaft was made of reed (Phragmites communis) ; the feathering (of which no trace remains) 
was lashed in place with sinew; traces of red pigment remain in the narrow band between the 
sinew and the end of the shaft. A very shallow notch was cut into the end of the shaft. 

Haile (Franciscan Fathers, 1910) lists the reed arrow shaft as uncommon and recent, and 
Vestal (1952) does not list phragmites as an arrow material in the Ramah area. As with the 
hafted ax, this may be something found by a Navajo in a cliff dwelling and discarded later at 
Tse-ta a. 

Cordage 

A wad of yucca cordage, much of it feather-wrapped, was found with two squash stems. 
These, also, probably came from a cliff dwelling. 

Figure 23. — (c) Detail of hafted ax, probably of prehistoric manufacture but found with Navajo materials. 



^ n !**V^ 



y 



Mm 




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INCHES 




69 







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9 



BURIALS 



T 

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wenty-nine burials were found during the course of the Tse-ta'a excavations. Most 
of the bodies had been interred within 6 or 7 feet of the cliff, in soil which was soft and damp. 
This made digging easy on the part of those whose task it was to bury the dead, but it resulted in 
badly rotted bones. Only those burials found more than 6 feet from the cliff face yielded strong 
well-preserved bones. This is because the de Chelly sandstone is a good aquifer and constantly 
feeds moisture into the soil at the base of the cliff. This moisture fails to penetrate the soil for any 
distance, for capillary action and rapid surface evaporation result in only a narrow band of damp 
soil along the cliff. 

Of the 29 burials, many are worthy of special note. Burial 2 was a burial of two dogs and 
Burial 22 of half a coyote. (See appendix 2.) These were almost the only interments at Tse-ta'a 
which were in something other than a simple pit in the soil. The former (B2) was a burial of a 
bitch and a pup in an outdoor slab-lined firepit and the two animals were neatly covered with 
small stones. Burial 22 consisted only of the fore half of a coyote which had been covered with a 
small rock cairn. 

Burial 5 was of a robust young man who was hit in the back of the head with a stone ax. 
Wherever the fight occurred, No. 5 probably belonged to the home team, for he was sent on his 
way to the afterworld with two fine pottery offerings. 

The most intriguing burial was a double one (B9) : a boy 14 to 15 years old and girl of about 
11, semiflexed, with their arms about each other. No offerings accompanied this puzzling pair, 
though only a few feet away we found another double burial, apparently of adults, who had as 

71 



offerings six fine Kana'a Black-on-white vessels. The bones of the latter burial were so badly 
rotted that no attempt was made to save them. 

An interesting pathological condition of severe arthritis is exhibited by Burial 29, and Burial 
26 had an extra pair of small condyles at the front of the foramen magnum. (See appendix 1.) 

The final burial of note was purely accidental. A young woman (B26) about 17 years of age 
apparently was standing in an abandoned kiva when a two-story masonry wall fell on her. 

It may be well to discuss briefly the flexed or half-flexed position of most of the burials and of 
the offerings found with them. One is apt to get an impression that those who buried the bodies 
dug small shallow pits, arranged the limbs neatly, put in an offering of a pottery bowl or two, and 
then covered the body with earth. 

This was certainly not the case. We found no perishable material from the various prehistoric 
horizons at Tse-ta'a, but evidence furnished by burials from dry caves in the canyons fills in 
missing details at our excavation. 

The flexed bodies, when put into the ground, were tightly wrapped in blankets made of cords 
wrapped with turkey feathers. This made a neat, compact bundle, easily handled, though the 
system possibly had some religious significance as well. 

In addition, although we failed to find offerings with a number of the burials, this does not 
necessarily mean that those persons were sent off without food or drink. The offerings might 
have been placed in perishable containers. 

Whenever the orientation of the body was apparent, I have indicated the direction of the 
individual's head. It can quickly be seen that nearly all the bodies were placed in a north- 
south position. This, I am sure, is because at this place the cliff runs north-south. If one is 
faced with the task of burying a long bundle near the face of a great cliff, a normal action seems 
to be that he will tend to lay the bundle along the plane of the cliff. Burial 21, more than a 
hundred feet from the cliff, was placed with the head to the northwest. I believe it safe to say 
that the orientation of the bodies at Tse-ta'a had no significance other than the convenience 
of the burial party. 

Bl. At the extreme south end of the site, where the stream had cut nearly to the cliff, we 
found a few fragments of skull and some broken long bones and ribs of a child. The body 
possibly had been placed in a slab-lined cist with a Lino Gray jar as an offering. One vertical 
slab and a half dozen large sherds furnished the evidence for this assumption. 

B2. A dog burial. This was an intentional burial of a bitch and a pup in a slab cist in the 
fill over Structure 26. The dogs were laid in the bottom of the cist then covered with small 
stones. The cist was apparently an outdoor firepit of Pueblo II times (fig. 24). 

B3. A few badly rotted bones of a child placed against the cliff. The head lay to the south 
and the body was probably flexed. A small Black Mesa Black-on-white jar was found with the 
bones. 

B4. Near Burial 3, we found a portion of the skull of a child but nothing else remained of 
this burial. 

B5. A young adult male, flexed, on his back with head to the south. This man had received 

72 



several blows on the head with a heavy sharp object. One of the blows fractured the skull and 
undoubtedly caused the man's death. The interior of the skull is stained by severe hemorrhaging. 
The fracture is of such a nature (figs. 24 and 26), that it seems probable that it was caused by a 
stone ax. Several of the axes found during the excavation fit the break quite well. With this 
burial were a Mancos Black-on-white jar and a Betatakin Black-on-white pitcher. 

B6. An infant, flexed and on its back, with the head to the north. No offerings were found. 
This burial was made against the cliff and the bones were in very bad condition. 




Figure 24. 



-(a) Burial 2, partially uncovered, 

(b) Burial 8. 

(c) Burial 9. 



73 



B7. An adult female of Pueblo III times. She had been laid on her back, head to the 
south, and the limbs were flexed. The bones were in poor condition. 

This burial was accompanied by more pottery vessels than any other we found. One 
Flagstaff Black-on-white bowl, five Mesa Verde Black-on-white, two Mancos Black-on-white 
bowls, three plain-ware miniature vessels, a stone mortar and pestle, and a few assorted stone 
flakes were with the bones (fig. 25). 

B8. An adult female who lay on her left side with the lower legs drawn up behind. The 
head was to the south. Two Walnut Black-on-white bowls and a plain gray jar were found 
with this burial (fig. 24). 

B9. A double burial of a boy of about 1 5 and a girl of about 1 1 . They were laid face to 
face with arms about each other and legs entwined (fig. 24). The heads were to the north. 
These bodies lay against the cliff, and the bones were in poor condition. No offerings. 

B10. This also was a double burial. The bones were so badly rotted that they were not 
saved. In contrast to Burial 9, where I believe the bodies had not been wrapped (or at least 
flexed) before burial, I believe these two bodies, both adults, had each been wrapped before 
being buried in a common pit. Their heads lay to the north. Six Kana'a Black-on-white 
vessels were placed as offerings with these bodies (fig 25). 



Figure 25. — {a) Burial 7. 




^*- 



74 



B11. The poorly preserved remains of a small individual, probably a child. Nothing was 
left of the bones but a few pieces of skull and ribs. The head lay to the south; the body was on 
its right side with the back to the cliff. Two Kana'a Black-on-white vessels were with the bones. 

B12. Another burial near the cliff with the bones so far gone that all we could tell was that 
a burial had been made at that spot. 

B13. The skull and some bones of a small child or infant. It lay on its back with the head 
forced over its breast and the limbs flexed. No offerings. 

B14. A smashed skull (post mortem) and a Kana'a Black-on-white jar. No other bones. 

575. The bones of a young person, with limbs flexed and head to the north. The bones 
were in bad condition. 

B16. This burial consisted of a skull which lay against the cliff behind Burial 15. There 
were no other bones and no offerings. 

B17. A small adult, lying on its back with limbs flexed and head to the east. The skull 
had been smashed post mortem and the long bones were incomplete. The smaller bones had 
all rotted away. One Kana'a Black-on-white vessel was with the burial (fig 25). 

B18. An infant burial with most of the bones destroyed. Flexed, head north, no offerings. 

Figure 25. — (b) Burial 17. 



Figure 25. — (c) Burial 10. 




B19. A child which had been buried in the litter of the burned roof of Structure 42. It lay 
on its back, with head to the north and limbs flexed. With the body were a Mancos Black-on- 
white bowl and a gray-ware jar. 

B20. This was the body of a child which was buried in a slab-lined cist, an old firepit. The 
limbs were flexed and the head to the north. Accompanying the body were a Kana'a Black-on- 
white jar and a plain gray pitcher. Although the latter is similar to the Lino Gray pottery, it 
cannot be classified as such. 

B21. The burial of an adult, away from the ruin area at the north end of the site. Some bones 
were exposed in a cutbank, and upon digging into the bank we found this burial ; it lay on its 
back with limbs flexed and head to northwest. With this burial were six Mancos Black-on-white 
vessels, a Tusayan Black-on-red bowl, and a corrugated jar. 

B22. A burial of the front half of a coyote. This half beast was laid on its left side with 
forepaws extended and was covered with rocks. Its head lay to the south. (See appendix 2.) 

B23. A child, lying on its back with limbs flexed and head to the south. The burial was 
made just below the floor of Structure 48. With the body were a Mesa Verde Black-on-white 
bowl and a shaped sherd of Springerville Polychrome. 

B24. An infant, on its back, limbs partially flexed and head to the south. This child was in a 
shallow pit dug through the floor of Structure 48. With this body was a miniature corrugated 
vessel. Burial 23 was made in the same pit and a little above Burial 24. 

B25. An infant, on its back, limbs flexed and head to south. No offerings. This burial was 
against the cliff and the bones were in very bad condition. 

B26. An accidental burial of a small adult in rubble near the bottom of Structure 49 (fig. 26). 



Figure 26. — (a) Fracture that probably caused the death of the man (B5). 

mnnni 







frjp 



'^>M(Tx 




s 




76 



(c) Back of skull from Burial 26, to show Wormian bones. 





(b) Left profile of skull from Burial 5. 




(d) Base of skull from Burial 26, to show 
extra condyles at front of foramen magnum. 



77 



A girl, or young woman, was apparently standing in the old kiva when an adjacent two-story wall 
collapsed and fell on her. There was obviously no attempt to dig out or rescue the girl. She lay 
face down and her spine was distorted into an S-shape. The ribs were broken and disarrayed 
(some of this probably done by later shifting of the rocks) and her lower legs lay over a large rock 
and were broken by rocks on top. 

B27. A child, limbs flexed, lying on its left side with head to the south. This burial was high 
in the debris which filled an abandoned kiva (Str. 55) ; the body was, in fact, laid on a broken 
section of the wall of the kiva. This was the only definite Hopi burial from the site; the child's 
skull lay on a small Payupki Polychrome bowl. 

B28. The extended burial of a child. The body had been laid against the southeast wall 
of a kiva (Str. 56), head to the south. No offerings. 

B29. An elderly female. This old woman was probably so crippled and stiff with arthritis 
that she could not be flexed and buried in a normal manner. (See appendix 1.) She was laid 
face down with her head turned to the left and her lower legs drawn back and the feet turned out. 
With her were buried an unpainted Mesa Verde bowl and a jar of Mesa Verde Black-on-white. 
(See figs. 27 and 28.) 





Figure 27. — Burial 29. (a) Closeup of button osteoma. 



(b) Face of skull and button 
osteoma on frontal. 



(c) Polished surface of the joint of a femur. 



78 





Figure 28. — 

(a) Normal vertebra on left, with 
corresponding vertebra from 
Burial 29 on right. 



y 





(c and d) Mandible and base of skull, Burial 29. 




r 






-Oy^,-^. 



(b) Normal vertebra below, with corresponding vertebra from 
Burial 29 above. 



'*-., 





Figure 29.— (a) Plain gray vessel from Pueblo Il-Pueblo III horizons. 
80 



POTTERY 



w 



ith the exception of a few random sherds which cannot be fitted to any of 
the named types of prehistoric Southwestern ceramics, all the sherds and vessels recovered 
during the Tse-ta'a excavations were of described varieties. No hitherto unknown develop- 
ments in Southwestern pottery-making can be demonstrated as a result of these studies. 

A probable reason for this is that Canyon de Chelly, and the entire Chinle Valley, was 
never an urban area, even by early Southwestern standards. The region seems always to have 
been one with many natural advantages for primitive peoples and yet one in which no important 
or distinctive cultural movement ever originated. The inhabitants apparently lived in a social 
backwater and merely copied the styles set by more active and dominant neighbors. This 
certainly was true of the potters. 

At various places in this report I have referred to the chaotic condition of the fill at the 
site. Several hundred years of human activity, which included what I would term an inordinate 
amount of digging, left the south end of the site a hopeless mess for stratigraphic purposes. The 
north end of the site, at least as deep as we dug, also exhibited a considerable amount of ancient 
digging but not to the extent as at the opposite end of Tse-ta'a. 

A somewhat related factor which seriously affects the reliability of sherd counts is the use 
which any midden area has received. At any given time during the history of Tse-ta'a there 
would be one or more convenient spots at which outdoor activities were carried on. Two 
examples of these were Structures 7A (a floor and firepit high in the fill of Structure 7) and 40. 
Around such spots the potsherds would not only be more numerous, but they would also be 



736-066 O— 66- 



81 



broken into much smaller pieces than those tossed or dropped into an area not in frequent use. 
On and around the use areas there is also more frequent mixture of sherds of different time zones, 
for the construction of firepits and storage chambers entailed a great deal of digging. 

A logical and good argument can be made that the number of sherds is inconsequential and 
that it is the percentage of types which is significant. In practice, however, this tends to be nullified 
by failure to collect every sherd from each horizon. 

And there is still another factor affecting the reliability of the sherd count. We take the 
sherds from the ground, wash and sack them, and take them home for study. That winter we 
sit before a laboratory table and start to classify the sherds. If the first sack contains a group 
of large pieces, it is usually fairly easy to classify them as being of named types and to set aside 
those which are apparently either aberrant forms or of undescribed types. The large sherds 
readily portray the vessel and rim shapes, the painted designs are apparent, and we may choose a 
sherd or two to be photographed as a typical piece of some particular type. 

A second sack I have pictured, however, is a less pleasing prospect. Perhaps the total surface 
area of the sherds is about the same but many Indians walked all over these sherds. Instead 
of a few dozen, there are several hundred, many one-half or three-quarters of an inch wide. 
On sherds of this size, the design, one of the principal criteria of "type," tends to become obscure, 
and it is difficult to apply type names to the sherds with assurance. I handle a problem of this 
sort by spreading the sherds out on a table, picking out those which are obviously different 
from the mass, and for the bulk of the collection writing down "Mancos B/W — about 200 sherds." 

There are two reasons why it is not necessary to carry on an intensive study of the pottery 
for every southwestern excavation and to study every sherd through a lOx hand lens: 1. We are 
fairly sure of the general story of the prehistory of the Southwest; we know in general what 
happened, though there are many details of cultural development and possible population move- 
ments which need to be studied. 2. There are very few southwestern pottery types which are 
of any real value in the assignment of either date or cultural affinity to a site. A number of 
pottery types were made over periods greater than 100 years and these, in particular, are the 
types which give us most trouble. They were good, standard popular types, made over wide 
areas for several generations. Today they appear in archeological literature under two, three, 
or even four different names because they were made at various places and of slightly differing 
materials. 

As a result of the churning to which the soil of the ruin had been subjected it would be 
meaningless to present the Tse-ta'a pottery graphically, statistically, or by means of charts and 
diagrams. Although gross remains such as walls, floors, or firepits were easily assignable to 
periods by type or stratigraphic position, stratigraphy meant little insofar as sherds or other 
small artifacts were concerned. 

What I have done, therefore, is to prepare a short description of the pottery of each period 
as it was found at Tse-ta'a. For the first two periods, Late Basketmaker and Pueblo I, this was 
a simple task, since house and pottery styles seem to have changed at about the same time. 
During the two subsequent periods the potters were not so accommodating, and a few types. 

82 



notably Mancos Black-on-white, cannot readily be labeled with a time designation. They were 
made over such long periods that they transcended the boundaries of the horizons to which 
they have been assigned. For these, I have placed the type in the period of which it is most 
typical. 

It will be noticed that during Basketmaker and Pueblo I times the potters of Canyon de 
Chelly produced wares which were patterned on Little Colorado ceramics. During the Pueblo 
II and III periods the direction of influence swung nearly 180° and came from the Mesa Verde 
area north of the San Juan. After 1300 there was a return to the Little Colorado drainage as a 
focal point for ceramic styling, and this time the origin of types can be pinpointed to the Hopi 
towns. These persisted until sometime in the 18th century, when the Navajo entered the 
canyons. 

The pottery discussed in this section is solely that of the Anasazi. The late prehistoric and 
historic Hopi pottery and that of the Navajo have been described in the sections pertaining to 
those peoples. 

Basketmaker 

Pottery Sherds 

type found 

Lino Gray 3,977 

Lino Black-on-gray 11 

Abajo Red-on-orange 38 

(Note: Approximately 25 percent of the Lino Gray sherds showed traces of Fugitive 

Red pigment). 

Lino Gray 

The standard, and omnipresent, pottery type of the late Basketmaker period, Lino Gray, 
was found in quantity throughout that horizon. We found no complete vessels of Lino Gray, 
but to judge by the sherds the principal vessel form in this type was a jar; also, the average 
height of the jars seems to have been slightly more than a foot. The jar bodies were full, almost 
globular, and the body usually tapered to a short cylindrical neck which was topped by a slightly 
outflared rim. This shape differs slightly from the published description of the type (Colton 
and Hargrave, 1937, p. 191) but in texture and finish the Canyon de Chelly specimens adhere 
closely to the criteria established for Lino Gray. 

In general, the height of a Lino Gray jar from Tse-ta'a seems to have been slightly greater 
than the maximum diameter of the vessel. Vertical strap handles, which extended from the 
rim to the shoulder, were sometimes found but were far from common. 

Aside from the jars, the only Lino Gray vessel form we found was a small bowl. The bowls 
probably averaged no more than 5 or 6 inches in diameter, with depths of about 4 inches. A 
single large specimen had a constricted opening, which perhaps foreshadowed the kiva jars and 
seed jars of later periods. 

83 



Figure 29.— (b) Vessel with partially obliterated coils and a false corrugation created by drawing fingertips diagonally up 
the side of the vessel, 




1 

1 I I I 1 

INCH 



84 



A large percentage of the sherds of Lino Gray vessels must have been from jars used for 
storage or purposes other than cooking, for there was no indication of smoke stain on them. 
These sherds generally are pale gray. Dry color, Fugitive Red, was most commonly found 
rubbed onto the surface of these unsmoked pieces, although occasionally traces of red could be 
found under the blackened surface of a fragment of a cooking pot. 

Lino Gray is a Basketmaker III pottery type and is used as one of the indicators for that 
cultural period. As soon as bands appear around the necks of vessels the name is changed to 
Kana'a Gray and the period becomes Pueblo I. I wish to call attention once more to the fact 
that plain gray ware did not become an extinct pottery type after Pueblo I times but continued to 
be made as late as the 14th century. (See Colton, 1955.) 

This persistence of gray ware was noticeable at Tse-ta'a. To be sure, it diminished greatly in 
quantity but some Indian potters continued to make plain gray utility vessels, so that throughout 
the balance of the prehistoric period a few vessels, remarkably similar to Lino Gray, continued to 
be made. As time passed the surfaces of the plain gray vessels tended to be more carefully 
smoothed, the paste was finer, and the surface color was often tan or buff, but much of this pottery 
bore a strong likeness to the Basketmaker progenitor. Specimen 4/444 (fig. 29a), found at a level 
that was either late Pueblo II or early Pueblo III, is much coarser in texture than the run-of- 
mill Basketmaker vessel. 



Figure 29. — (c) Part of a large vessel with an incised design over the corrugations. 




85 



Fugitive Red 

Fugitive Red was fairly common but was spotty in occurrence. There were sections in the 
fill in which most Lino Gray sherds showed traces of red coloring and other sections in which we 
found little. A few bowl sherds gave evidence that the vessels from which they came had been 
used to hold the powdered ocher. On the latter sherds, while the exterior had been rubbed with 
the color, the interior surfaces were deeply stained. 

Lino Black-on-gray 

Eleven sherds of Lino Black-on-gray were found. Since we recorded 3,977 sherds of Lino 
Gray, it may be deduced that the painted version of this ware was not very popular at Tse-ta'a. 

Abajo Red-on-orange 

Associated with the Lino Gray, albeit thinly, was a small number of Abajo Red-on-orange 
(Brew, 1946). Thirty-eight sherds of the type were recovered. 



Pueblo I 

Pottery Sherds 

type found 

Kana'a Gray 5,106 

Kana'a Black-on-white 1 . 425 

Bluff-La Plata Black-on-red 67 

Deadmans Black-on-red 45 

The large quantity of Pueblo I sherds recovered from Tse-ta'a hardly fits with the small 
group of rooms which were dated as being of the period. Pueblo I houses other than those 
we found probably stood nearby, and the sheltered ground at the foot of the cliff must have 
been a favored working spot during that time. There is evidence that other Pueblo I houses 
were nearby, but not against the cliff. Five burials near the cliff were accompanied by Kana'a 
Black-on-white vessels. In addition, there were several other burials at the same horizon with 
no pottery offerings. 

Kana'a Gray 

At about the time that the Anasazi builders started to abandon pithouses in favor of masonry 
houses constructed above ground, a distinctive innovation was adopted by the potters: a stylistic 
treatment of gray ware vessels. Instead of creating jars that were completely unadorned, the 
potters of Pueblo I times left the coils of jar necks (usually five or more) unobliterated so that 
a pattern of a series of rings was created. It is impossible to divide sherds from the bodies of 
gray ware vessels into the types Lino or Kana'a Gray. The only sure criterion is the manner in 
which the vessel neck was treated ; if the coils show, the piece is Kana'a Gray. 

I counted 5,106 sherds of Kana'a Gray. This included a, large number of body sherds. 
When portions of necks clearly indicated that a particular level yielded Kana'a rather than 
Lino Gray pottery, I classified the undistinctive sherds under the former name. 

86 



From Structure 26 came a single body sherd of Kana'a Gray with a portion of an incised 
design; the design consisted of either a series of triangles or a zigzag line. 



Kana'a Black-on-white 

The diagnostic Pueblo I black-on-white pottery of northeastern Arizona and the middle 
reaches of the San Juan is Kana'a Black-on-white (Hargrave, 1 932, p. 15). This was common in 
the Pueblo I levels at Tse-ta'a: 1,425 sherds and 11 complete vessels were found (fig. 30). Kana'a 
Black-on-white is a handsome, well-made pottery which demonstrates the rapidity with which 
Pueblo potters mastered the craft of ceramic manufacture and design. 




Figure 30. — Kana'a Black-on-white vessels 



Bluff-La Plata Black-on-red 

The successor to the Abajo Red-on-orange of Basketmaker times was a black-on-red ware 
which, in the San Juan, has been described under two names. In the western San Juan the 
ware is known as Bluff Black-on-red (Hargrave, 1936; Colton and Hargrave, 1937). And for 
the upriver district from Mesa Verde east, there is La Plata Black-on-red (Morris 1939). These 
names describe possible subtypes which are difficult to distinguish, and at Tse-ta'a I made little 
attempt to do so. The early black-on-red ware at Canyon de Chelly apparently is of local 
manufacture, the painted designs applied to the vessels are characteristic of the time, and the 
pottery type does not lend itself readily to a breakdown of subtypes. 

Deadmans Black-on-red 

A western derivative of the Pueblo I black-on-reds, Deadmans Black-on-red (Colton, 1932, 
p. 11) is characteristic of much of northern Arizona. Forty-five sherds of this type came from 
the excavations at Tse-ta'a. These sherds probably reflect commerce between the Chinle 
drainage and the lower Little Colorado which persisted through the next two cultural periods. 



Pueblo II 

Pottery Sherds 

type found 

Mancos Black-on-white 4, 833 

Wingate Black-on-red 32 

Chaco II Black-on-white 40 

Sosi Black-on-white 20 

Gallup Black-on-white 91 

Holbrook Black-on-white 58 

Tusayan Black-on-red 126 

Mancos Black-on-white 

The pottery type Mancos Black-on-white (fig. 31) comprised an overwhelming preponder- 
ance of the painted sherds in the Pueblo II horizon. It was the standard ware for much of the 
San Juan during this period and well into Pueblo III times. 

Abel (1955) said: 

As the definition of Mancos B/W has been applied it has become a catch-all for all the black on white 

pottery made during Pueblo II times. The separation of the earlier type, Cortez B/W, shortens the time 

span covered by Mancos Black-on-white and narrows the wide range of variations which this type 

formerly covered. 

At Tse-ta'a there was no discernible age difference between Abel's variety Cortez Black-on- 
white and his Mancos Black-on-white. I have not distinguished between the two and adhere to 
the old custom of lumping most of the black-on-white of the period under the heading "Mancos." 
The makers of Mancos Black-on-white copied designs or design elements from a number of 
sources, so that a superficial glance at a collection of sherds or vessels of this type might lead one to 
suspect several points of origin for vessels which are actually from a single provenience. 

88 




Figure 31. — Mancos Black-on-white olla, from Burial 5. See page 41 for entire decoration. 



89 




Figure 32. — Mesa Verde Black-on-white bowl. 



90 



Other Types 

The Pueblo II period seems to have been one of extensive experimentation or, at least, a 
period lacking much regional specialization, and the pottery reflects this. 

There is nothing distinctive about the other Pueblo II painted sherds. In variety and num- 
bers they indicate no more than normal trade with neighboring groups or possibly marriage with 
women from other districts. 

Pueblo III 

Pottery Sherds 

type found 

St. Johns Polychrome 87 

Springerville Polychrome 1 

Kayenta Polychrome 13 

Kietsiel Polychrome 10 

Tusayan Polychrome 101 

Chaco III Black-on-white 23 

McElmo Black on-white 134 

Mesa Verde Black-on-white 783 

Types Found.: Inferences Drawn 

Mancos Black-on-white continued to be made well into the Pueblo III period and, I believe, 
should be considered the standard local early Pueblo III painted pottery. The advent of 
Mesa Verde Black-on-white (and possibly McElmo Black-on-white), into Canyon de Chelly 
quite possibly indicates an influx of new people into the area. In the canyons when Mesa Verde 
pottery appears in quantity, it almost always is in association with the fine masonry so charac- 
teristic of southwestern Colorado. This is so constant that one has the impression newcomers 
were responsible for both masonry and the new pottery type, particularly at sites like White 
House, Antelope House, Mummy Cave, and Tse-ta'a. Earl Morris felt confident that this 
was the case (letter of Feb. 17, 1955, to John Aubuchon, Superintendent of Canyon de Chelly 
National Monument, and Morris, 1938). 

A few sherds have been classified as McElmo Black-on-white. This is a debatable pottery 
type (Reed, 1958, p. 102 et seq.), and the sherds were put into this category simply because they 
seemed to be neither Mancos nor Mesa Verde. 

One vessel of Mesa Verde white ware is worthy of mention. It is an unpainted, or apparently 
unpainted, bowl found with Burial 29. Apart from its lack of painted decoration, it is a typical 
specimen of Mesa Verde Black-on-white. Occasional sherds of similar vessels have been found 
at Mesa Verde National Park and vicinity, but apparently no other complete vessel has been 
reported. 

The bowl was shown to Dr. Harold S. Colton, of the Museum of Northern Arizona, who 
wrote in a letter of September 19, 1957, "Milton Wetherill says the bowl represents a black-on- 
white Cibola White Ware bowl in which the black iron paint was fugitive and had washed off. 
He said he had seen others in the Lupton area. However if the bowl came from Canyon dc 
Chelly and if it had had any paint it would have been carbon paint which might have been 
burned off in careless firing." 

91 



As suggested before, the indigenous Pueblo III painted pottery at Tse-ta'a seems to have 
been Mancos Black-on-white. To this was added a good number of trade pieces, mostly from 
the Little Colorado and Kayenta areas. 

Corrugated Ware 

I have not separated the corrugated sherds and vessels of Pueblo II and Pueblo III horizons. 
There is no apparent difference in the products of the two periods, and I believe only a few 
general remarks are needed concerning this ware. 

Attempts to embellish the corrugated pattern were uncommon, and no example of fillets, 
lugs, or other applied decorative additions were found, though fragments of one large vessel 
with an incised pattern were unearthed (fig. 29c). Most variations occurred at the Pueblo II 
horizon. The potters of that period were more prone to experiment with the corrugated patterns 
than those of later times. The most interesting variation of the corrugated pattern was a false 
corrugation. On these vessels the potter started at the base, with her fingertip, and traced a 
series of spirals up the wall of the vessel (fig. 29b). Other potters created false corrugated vessels 
by means of deeply incised lines. Usually the lines formed either simple spirals about the vessel 
or a series of rings up the body of the pot. Once in a while the potter made short vertical lines 
to join the horizontal ones. Apparently this was intended to make an even stronger illusion of 
corrugation. Insofar as the amount of work was concerned, it probably would have been simpler 
to make a corrugated vessel in the beginning. 

Associations of Types 

Vessels buried with the dead furnish a more dependable guide to the varieties of pottery 
types that were associated than the sherds excavated at Tse-ta'a. Unfortunately there were 
not enough such specimens for a really significant analysis. It would also be desirable to know 
whether the vessels and tools buried with a person were the property of that person, or his 
immediate family, or whether they were deposited as gifts by friends and relatives. That the last 
might have been the case is indicated by differences in skill shown by the quality of vessels from 
single graves. 

Following is a list of those burials which furnished more than one pottery type : 

Burial 5 

Two vessels were buried with this young man, specimens 1 and 2 (figs. 31 and 33a). 

The first vessel, the jar with the almost horizontal shoulder, the luglike handles, and small 
mouth, is of the type known as Mancos Black-on-white, at least insofar as shape, type of paint, and 
type of design are concerned, but the clay was tempered with sand rather than with the more 
common crushed sherds. The second vessel is of the type known as Betatakin Black-on-white 
(Colton and Ilargrave, 1937, p. 215). The dates given for this pottery style, 1275-1300, differ 
from those generally accepted for the Mancos style; but if my arguments for a long lifespan for 
Mancos Black-on-white are correct, then the contemporaneity of these two pottery types should 

92 







Figure 33. — (a) Betatakin Black-on-white pitcher. 



93 




Figure 33. — (6) Mesa Verde Black-on-white pitcher . 



94 



not cause concern in the ranks nor should we have to postulate a family heirloom to account for 
the Mancos vessel. 

Burial 7 

Of the 11 vessels found with the bones of this lady, 3 cannot be classified and 1 other can have 
only a tentative label applied to it. Of the remaining 7 vessels, I have classified 6 as Mesa Verde 
Black-on-white, and the remaining specimen is Flagstaff Black-on-white. 

The three vessels which cannot be classified are miniature bowls, rather crudely made and 
poorly fired, with paste and surface colors which run from a pale red to tan. These three 
vessels were found within specimen 24/63 and possibly served as containers for materials which the 
woman had commonly used. The fourth vessel in question started life as a dipper; the handle 
was broken and the stub ground down so that the piece could serve as a small bowl. The bowl is 
rather crudely shaped and badly worn; no trace of any painted design, or of a slip, remains. 
The paste is similar to that of the Mesa Verde Black-on-white, so the bowl might be considered an 
unpainted specimen of Mesa Verde white ware. 

The final pottery specimen from the burial is a Flagstaff Black-on-white jar with the neck 
broken off. Whereas the other vessels from this burial are in relatively good condition, this 
piece is badly pitted. 

With the exception of the three miniature vessels, which are similar in their crudeness, no 
two of the specimens seem to be the work of the same craftsman. 

Burial 8 

Two large well made Walnut Black-on-white bowls and a plain gray jar. 

Burial 21 

One Tusayan Black-on-red bowl and six pieces of Mancos Black-on-white. A ladle and 
pitcher have somewhat similar hatchured designs, but there is a considerable difference in the 
craftsmanship involved : the ladle was made by a skilled person but the pitcher is quite crude. 
Another specimen is a very poorly made and decorated miniature jar. The remaining three 
pottery vessels from this burial are the following: 

A ladle, poorly made and decorated by an artist who could not control her paint. 

A scoop-type ladle made by a skilled craftsman. 

A small bowl, fairly well made but decorated in a Black Mesa type of design by a rather 
unskilled artist. 

Burial 23 

The two pieces of pottery found with this burial are an exceptionally crude bowl of Mesa 
Verde Black-on-white and a sherd disc of red ware with a design in black. The latter has the 
appearance of being from a St. Johns Polychrome bowl and has a glaze paint which would make 
it the late type of that polychrome — that which is being called Springerville Polychrome at the 
University of Arizona. 

95 



Miniature Vessels 




Figure 34. — (a) Miniature 
black-on-white dipper. 



There is a line which divides small things from miniature things, but too often the line is 
tenuous or indistinct. Several pottery vessels from Tse-ta'a are small, but only a few are minia- 
ture. 

Outstanding among the miniature vessels is the tiny well made dipper (fig. 34), which is 
only 2Y 2 inches (64 mm.) long. It saw some use — the edges are somewhat worn — and one has 
the impression that it was made for a child's plaything. 

Five other miniature vessels were excavated and each of these appears to have been a con- 
tainer of some special material for a craftsman. Three were found with a burial and two 
were nested on the floor of Structure 43. The latter two are crudely molded (not coiled) 
shallow gray ware bowls which saw much use. 

The three tan vessels found with Burial 7 were buried near a small bowl within a large 
bowl (fig. 25). With this burial were several items which might well have been tools or equip- 
ment of the person — these vessels, a mortar and pestle, and, within another bowl, 10 small 
chert flakes. 



Ceramic Objects Other Than Vessels 



Pipes 



Only two pipes were found during the excavations. They were together at a horizon which 
was Pueblo II-Pueblo III in time and were both broken (fig. 35). One is the remains of a 
simple tubular pipe with a slightly outflared bowl. The mouthpiece is missing and only half of 
the circumference of the tube is present. 

The second specimen is entirely different. It was a curved pipe and probably also had an 
outflared bowl. The unusual feature of this pipe is the small loop handle which is attached 
to the body. The pipe is of a soft tan color, and the surface of the clay was "floated" when 
damp to create a smooth hard finish. Its general shape is not particularly unusual, for it is a 
shape occasionally found throughout the Anasazi area (a quite similar one is pictured in Judd, 
1954, fig. 94, g). So far as I know, however, no other handled pipe has been reported from an 
Anasazi site, and the nearest occurrence of such pipes seems to be among some of the coastal 
tribes of southern California. Similar pipes have been recovered from an early historic Luiseno 
horizon (McCown, 1955, p. 37, and pi. 25); and among the Diegueno, handled pipes were 
apparently common (Wheeler, 1938). 



Sherd Discs 

In all, we recovered 41 sherd discs from the ruin. These ranged in diameter from three- 
quarters of an inch (19 mm.) to 2)\ inches (58 mm., fig. 34). Types of pottery from which these 
discs were made and the number of each were as follows: 



96 










Figure 34 — (b and c) Both faces of black-on-white sherd discs. 





27i 




1 



INCHES 



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to 






\ 



ib 1 

< 7 




730 <>6fi ()— 66 S 



97 



Kana'a Black-on-white 6 

Black Mesa Black-on-white 2 

Deadmans Black-on-red 2 

Mancos Black-on-white 4 

Tusayan Polychrome 2 

Tusayan Black-on-red 4 

Betatakin Black-on-whife 1 

St. Johns Polychrome 3 

Springerville Polychrome 1 

Mesa Verde Black-on-white 10 

Unknown 6 

Even though a number of the discs were made of Pueblo I and early Pueblo II varieties of 
pottery, I believe all these specimens were made and used during late Pueblo II and Pueblo III 
times. 

Discs of this type are almost always referred to as gaming pieces, and the chances are good 
that all of these were used as counters in some gambling game. However, there might well have 
been other uses for them. In a short half-hidden note, Hodge (1 950) has told of a Zuni informant 
who said that they were sometimes used as magical devices by Zuni hunters to prevent deer from 
backtracking; while being pursued. Hodge also quoted A. M. Stephen (1936, v. 1, p. 277) telling 
of a Hopi belief: "Jack rabbit (sowi) and deer (sowi ihwa) are related closely. They both have 
the same traits; when the rabbit is coursed and grows tired he doubles back a way and then 
bounds off at right angles and sits concealed. The deer does the same." Such use is possible, 
but who knows whether there were such practices in prehistoric times? 

Some of the discs seem to have been used as ornaments. Five of the discs in this collection 
have been drilled through near the rim so that each could have been worn as a bead or pendant; 
one has a hole drilled through at the center. 

Scoops 

Two large sherds (one Mesa Verde Black-on-white and one Tusayan Black-on-red) were 
utilized as scoops. 



98 





Figure 35. — Pottery pipes. 





INCH 



99 



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100 



STONE AND SHELL OBJECTS 



M 



escribed in this section are both the stone tools and the few shell objects that were 
recovered from the Pueblo II and III horizons. Tools and ornaments of stone and shell fit 
into the general Puebloan pattern for such artifacts. 



Stone 

The stone artifacts from Tse-ta'a were an undistinguished lot; all can be duplicated from 
innumerable other excavations in the Southwest. 

Grinding 

Metates and Manos — No complete metate was recovered from Tse-ta'a. The few broken 
specimens were deeply grooved, with open ends. A few fragments of flat grinding slabs were 
also found; these probably were used for grinding something other than maize. 

Manos, though not numerous, were found scattered throughout the ruin. Three were 
found leaning against the wall of Structure 50 near what might have been a mealing bin from 

Figure 36. — (a) Mortar and pestle found with Burial 7. (b) A pestle and a mano, each of which had 
a groove pecked along a side or face, used as a grinding stone for hematite. 

101 



which the metates had been removed. The manos were all about the same size — roughly 4 l / 2 
inches (11 cm.) by 8 inches (21 cm.). They were flat stones, for two hands, and had but a 
single grinding surface. The grinding surface of one was well stained with ocher. A few 
bun-shaped, one-hand manos were also found. 

One mano had been remade into a miniature metate and then used for grinding hematite 
(fig. 36). A shallow and narrow trough was pecked into the upper surface of the stone and this 
trough used as the nether stone for grinding. Other flat slabs of hard sandstone were found 
which also had served as grinding stones for hematite and ocher. 

Mortars and Pestles — Three mortars (or, rather, two mortars and a portion of a third) were 
found. One was on the floor of Structure 47, turned upside down and cemented to the floor 
with clay. This mortar had been "killed" by having a hole punched through the base. A 
second mortar and pestle were with the offerings of Burial 7. The third, fragmentary, mortar 
was with the Navajo refuse in Structure 10 but probably is of prehistoric origin. Before it was 
cleaned, the bowl was encrusted with a fine yellow powder, probably ocher. 



Figure 37. — Stone axes of hematite nodules. 




INCHES 



In all, three pestles and a portion of a fourth were excavated. Peculiarly, one of the pestles 
has a shallow concave grinding surface pecked along one face, and the cavity is deeply 
stained with hematite, as the mano described above. 

One-half of a coarse sandstone arrow-shaft abrader was found. 

Cutting and Scraping 

Before starting on a description of the locally made axes at Tse-ta'a, I should mention a 
small, %-grooved ax of greenstone. This specimen must have originated in the mountains 
of east-central Arizona or west-central New Mexico. Originally it was a well-made piece' 
but it was used so extensively and had become so blunt that it should be described as a hammer 
rather than ax. 

A cache of three axes and a celt were the best made tools of this class found in the ruin. 
The other specimens are quite nondescript in appearance and show lack of uniformity in 
shape, size, and manufacture (fig. 38a). All are single bitted except two specimens which 
had two flaked edges (fig. 38b). The two other axes with flaked edges in the collection are 
exceptionally crude. Another ax, fashioned from a river pebble, has a nicely ground cut- 
ting edge but no hafting grooves. It could properly be termed a celt. 

The celt found with the cache of axes is shaped like the so-called tchamahia of the Hopi 
(Morris, 1939, p. 138 et seq.). Whether these were fleshing tools, axes, or ceremonial stones 
is an argument which may never be resolved, but the edge of this specimen has numerous tiny 
scratches which seem to be the result of use. 

These axes are interesting in that nearly every one seems to have been coated with hematite. 
We discovered this by chance one day while scrubbing one of the specimens to clean it and found 
the little pittings on the surface were all stained with the iron oxide. Study of the other axes 
showed that nearly every one had been stained red. 

Eight small axes, from 2% inches (6 cm.) to 3% inches (9.5 cm.) in length, were fashioned 
from nodules of hematite (fig. 37). Though blackened now, they must have been blood-red 
when newly made, and the color of these axes might have set the style for coloring those made of 
basaltic stones. Though these axes are small, the hematite is dense and heavy. Each of the 
specimens was much used. 

A miscellany of tools which can be classified as scrapers or knives are of no definite pattern 
(fig. 39). Each one is a rather crude flake of stone (petrified wood being the most common ma- 
terial), and there was no attempt to shape the stone further. There seems to have been a great 
disinterest in stonework at Tse-ta'a, and this resulted in a lack of skill in fashioning simple stone 
tools. In a miniature bowl, with Burial 7, were 12 small flakes of stone; 2 of these were broken 
projectile points. 

There is one bifaced flaked knife of quartzite (fig. 39), a crudely made tool, and two fist-sized 
flaked hand axes. 



Figure 38. — (b) Flaked axes of quartzite. 







Figure 38. — (a) 

A variety of stone axes. 




Sharpening and Polishing 

Under this heading I am listing nine slabs of crystalline limestone (calcite), each o which has 
seen extensive use as a base against which something else has been polished or cut (fig. 40). 
They give the appearance of a modern lapidary's lap stone. Three of the specimens are complete. 
Two of these are square shaped and about 3 inches (7.5 cm.) by 3% inches (9 cm.) ; the third is an 
irregular triangular with a maximum dimension of 2% inches (7 cm.) On two specimens both 
flat surfaces of the stone were polished, but in the other specimens only one surface was so treated. 
On the polished surfaces are myriads of tiny scratches. 

One small stone of the same material seems to have served as a polishing stone and another 
small polisher was made from an irregularly shaped piece of petrified wood. 

Pounding 

In the collection are four heavy hammers, or mauls, full grooved for hafting. These heads are 
so heavy ana cumbersome that I cannot see how they were used. I do not believe the stone 
would survive the impact of a blow which would result from a full swing. One of the hammers 
has been stained red with ocher. 

Roundish nodules of hematite, petrified wood, basalt, and chert served as hand-held 
hammerstones (fig. 40). As in most ruins, these small battered pebbles were common. 



Figure 39. — A bifaced quartzite knife and a miscellany of knives and scrapers, to show the crudity of this type 
of tool at Tse-ta'a. Materials are petrified wood and chert. 




104 










Figure 40. — (a) Hammer stones. The upper jour specimens are of hematite, and the lower four are of chert, 
(b) Calcite grinding slabs, with an edge view of one specimen to show the crystalline structure. 






I 



<■ 



105 



Piercing 

Fourteen projectile points and one drill (fig. 41) of various sizes and styles are of inferior 
workmanship. Most are of petrified wood, with two of chert and one of obsidian. 

Ornamental 

Also found were three turquoise beads, two shaped but incomplete pieces of argillite, and 
a number of irregular pieces of hematite and ocher which have been abraded. 

Two ornaments were made of gilsonite. One is complete, square, and with a hole in one 
corner. The second was either round or oval and had a ridge on one face through which a 
hole for suspension was bored (fig. 42). 

Though not an ornament, a slender cylinder of hematite 2% inches (6.5 cm.) long can be 
listed here. This is one of the cylinders which modern Navajo medicine men covet and search 
for in the ruins in the Canyon de Chelly area. 

Miscellaneous Use 

A number of round slabs of sandstone which were probably used as seals for pottery vessels 
(Euler and Jones, 1956) were found. There were also a number of very carefully shaped stones 
(rectangular) which probably meant something to their maker but have not yet been identified. 

One round stone ball 2% inches (6 cm.) in diameter was also found. 

Among this group of stones is a chunk of soft white material which seems to be talc. A face 
has been ground smooth and a hole drilled through the specimen. Another stone that has been 
ground, presumably to obtain a powder, is a small piece of selenite crystal. There are also two 
small pieces of azurite. 

Shell 

A half dozen shell ornaments were recovered from Tse-ta'a. Three of these were small 
beads, two were broken bracelets (probably of Glycymeris), and the last was a nicely incised Olivella 
shell pierced for use as a bead. 



Figure 41 (above). — All the stone projectile points recovered from the site. One specimen is of obsidian, and 
the others are of petrified wood and chert. 

Figure 42 (below). — Pendants of uintaite (gilsonite) and a cylinder of hematite. 
106 











;> 




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O 

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107 







Figure 43.— (a) Awls of split mammal bone. 



VI 




* 



(b) Awls of turkey bone. 
(Actual size) 



BONE IMPLEMENTS 



s. 






ometime after the close of the 1949 season a box containing artifacts was lost. A 
number of small items, including practically all the bone tools recovered during the excavations 
that year, were in the box so that, except for several gaming pieces and a few other quite small 
pieces of bone, all the material described here was found during the 1950 season. By another 
quirk of fate, the lost box included all the specimens recovered from the earlier levels. Therefore, 
practically all the bone tools on hand from Tse-ta'a are of Pueblo III times. The only excep- 
tions are five tools from probable Pueblo II structures excavated in 1950, and these differ in no 
way from the tools which originated in the Pueblo III horizon. A single Navajo bone awl is 
described in the section on Navajo materials and is omitted from this discussion. 

To describe the bone from Tse-ta'a, I have followed the same general pattern used by 
Kidder (1932) and Morris (1939). 

When this collection of bone tools was first spread on a table, it gave an appearance of 
heterogeneity, with a large number of tool shapes and sizes represented. However, upon 
separation into groups of similar pieces, they quickly fell into definite classifications. 

Nearly all the tools should be classified as awls, but it would appear that there were a number 
of uses for awls and that one of particular design and size was prepared for each use. There 
is remarkable uniformity in size and shape in each group of awls made from mammal bone; 
those made of bird bones, on the other hand, are of various lengths. 

Probably every bone tool in this collection was discarded as a broken or worn out specimen. 
It is my impression that each of these tools was made at about its present length, for a specific 

109 



function, and that as it became blunted or chipped by use it was thrown away rather than 
resharpened. This may be considered an academic statement of no particular value to the 
subject at hand, but one cannot display a group of several dozen tools that fall naturally into 
classifiable shapes and lengths without wondering about the use of each type. When shapes 
and lengths are as consistent as in the Tse-ta'a collection, it appears correct to assume that 
each of these tools was made in this shape and at this length. This is consistent with the 
numerous sizes and shapes of awls used by various craftsmen today. 

The point is each of these tools was made for a definite purpose. The short specimens 
probably did not start out in life as long awls and become shortened by use. Although my 
experience with primitive groups has been somewhat limited, I have noticed that when easily 
worked materials are at hand, a primitive man will usually make a new tool rather than repair 
an old one. 

Awls 
Split Mammal Bone 

The uniformity of the bone tools is shown in quite a striking manner by this group. The 
tools in this category were readily separated into five small groups. In each group the specimens 
are amazingly alike in size, shape, and evidence of use. 

(a) Seventeen very short thick specimens (fig. 43). They run in length from 2% to 2% 
inches (about 60 mm.), and each was apparently used as an awl, for the tip of each has been 
broken by pressure applied to the point. 

(b) Six short specimens (fig. 43). These differ from the specimens just described in two 
respects: First, they are slightly longer and range in length from 2% inches (70 mm.) to 3)i 6 
inches (79 mm.). Second, they have long tapered points. These were also used as awls; the 
tip of each is worn or broken, and in addition their ends are highly polished from one-fourth to 
one-third inch from the tip. 

(c) Split mammal bone, seven specimens (fig. 43), from 3% inches (86 mm.) to 4 inches 
(102 mm.), similar to (b) above but with heavy shafts and points. 

(d) Split mammal bone, three specimens (fig. 43). One of these specimens has been broken, 
but the two complete ones are similar to those grouped under (c). These two are about one-half 
an inch longer than those grouped under (c), and all three have either one or two deep transverse 
notches, or grooves. These grooves appear to have been cut intentionally, then enlarged and 
polished by continued use. Each of the complete specimens has a heavy sharp point that was 
used as a punch. 

Judd describes a single specimen similar to the last awl described (1954, p. 144), and one is 
pictured in Watson (1953, p. 87). Morris (1939, p. 120 and pi. 108) calls these weaving tools 
and says they do not appear before Pueblo III. A single awl of bird bone also bears one of these 
grooves. Several somewhat similar tools were found at Hawikuh (Hodge, 1920, p. 102 et seq.) 
but are grooved near the points rather then well back on the shaft. Also, the Hawikuh specimens 

110 



tend to have two or more grooves that go most of the way around the specimen, whereas one 
groove is the rule on the Tse-ta'a specimens. Tools such as those from Hawikuh would appear 
to be most likely for use with a loom, whereas the Canyon de Chelly grooved awls appear more 
likely to have been used in basket weaving. 

(e) Split bone, long slender awls from 5% 6 inches (135 mm.) to 6% inches (164 mm.). 

(f) The distal end of a deer cannon bone, sawed more than half way through just below 
the epyphesis and the remaining shaft ground and polished ; the tip is broken by use. 

(g) Two rabbit radii with points at one end. 

Splinters 

Two specimens, 2 inches (51 mm.) and 2% inches (60 mm.) in length, with transverse 
scratches the entire length of each specimen that appear to be the results of manufacture of the 
point and not from use. Each specimen is blunted, apparently from use as a needle or punch, so 
that the tip of each was broken off. 

One specimen, 4% 6 inches (109 mm.) in length, was not broken at the tip but is slightly 
blunted. The tip is polished, and the scratches that are present over the body of the specimen 
(caused by abrasion during manufacture) are nearly obliterated by use. 

These specimens were probably used as punches, or awls, in working some rather soft material 
such as hide or leather. 

Turkey Leg Bones 

A dozen turkey leg bones were made into awls by cutting a long transverse slice through the 
bone to create a thin tapered point (fig. 43). These points differ greatly in size. In addition, a 
single awl was fashioned from a splinter of bird bone. 



CO l-i 



C\J 



O-LJ 



Spatulate and Blunt Tools 

Fleshers or Scrapers 

Two fleshers were found (fig. 44). One was of the proximal end and the second of the distal 
end of deer humeri. One appears to be a left-handed scraper and the other a right-handed one. 

A short stout section of split bone was beveled from both sides at one end and then the end 
sawed square to create a tool which appeared to have served for heavy-duty rubbing. 

Square-ended Tools 

Two tools (fig. 44), one rather large and the other small, of split bone, have thick squared 
ends, and one edge of the working end of each is beveled by use. A third tool in this category is a 
short section of mammal rib that has been worn to a point at each end. 




Figure 44. — (a) Fleshing tools, 
(b) Two square-ended tools and a tube of bone . 



F-yT^ — ■-> 



INCHES 



Dice or Gaming Pieces 

Half a dozen oval or round bone dice were found during the excavations. One came from 
a Pueblo II horizon, the others from Pueblo III levels. Four are unmarked except that they 
have a smooth side and a rough side, the remaining two are incised with a crisscross design on 
one face (fig. 45). 



' 



Miscellaneous 

Most unusual of the bones from Tse-ta'a is the specimen that probably should be classified 
as an arrow point (fig. 46). Kidder (1932) found two somewhat similar points, plus three 
cruder ones of antler, at Pecos. Judd (1954) also reported a bone point from Pueblo Bonito, 
and Hodge (1920) recovered a bone arrow point, quite similar to the Tse-ta'a specimen, from 
Hawikuh, as well as several antler points. Bone or antler arrow points, though not often found 
during excavations, would appear to have been in fairly common use during prehistoric times. 

A small bone tube has a small hole drilled through the wall of the tube at about the mid- 
point of its length (fie;. 44). These are known as "whistles" (Hodge, 1920; Stubbs and 
Stallings, 1953). Perhaps an Indian can make a whistling sound through one of these, but I 
cannot. 

The final artifact of bone is a small, more or less rectangular, pendant (fig. 46), possibly 
made from a fragment of scapula. 
Figure 45. — Bone dice. 




INCH 




o- 1 ^ 



o 



Figure 46. — (a) A small pendant of split bone. 



.:;.•- 






M 








INCH 



(6) Z?ow arrow point. 



7:;<i-o<>r> o m o 



113 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 



T 



.hroughout this report there are numerous discussions of the findings at Tse-ta'a 
These are the sort which normally would occur in a summary section, and so there is no need 
for lengthy exposition here. 

A few previously discussed points, however, should be stressed. The first of these is that 
Canyon de Chelly apparently has always been a cultural backwater with a small population. 
There is no evidence that any social or technical innovation ever started with the occupants 
of the canyons and spread to other groups. Houses, kivas, and pottery — all reflect styles and 
techniques developed elsewhere, and nowhere is there even a hint of local invention or develop- 
ment of any material thing. 

Insofar as the size of the population is concerned, I can but reiterate the earlier statement that 
the prehistoric population of Cafiones de Chelly and del Muerto must have been no greater 
than the number of Navajo who now live there, about 300 to 350 persons. The argument given 
in the section on Basketmaker remains, concerning the amount of tillable land, should hold. 
Certainly the canyon walls limit all use of land to a rather small area. On the mesa tops no 
ruins are to be found, nor are there evidences of agricultural devices such as spreader dams and 
terraces on the mesas. It seems probable that the prehistoric people of Canyon de Chelly 
lived within the canyons and used the mesa tops only for gathering pinyon nuts and as a source 
for building timbers, firewood, and game. 

It is my feeling that most of our estimates of prehistoric population in the Southwest are 
too high. We are frequently lured by the presence of hundreds of ruins into guesses of populations 

115 



of hundreds or thousands rather than of scores for particular areas. We are also influenced by 
our own mystical concept of the relationship of a family and its dwelling. The house is termed a 
home to signify "This is my dwelling place, my hearth," and merit is acquired by a family that 
continues to live in one dwelling for two or more generations. 

There is no evidence that any of the Puebloan groups ever attached such a feeling to their 
houses. Even in recent times the Pueblos have tended to move often. A good example of what 
happens can be seen at Oraibi, where the Hopis shift back and forth between New Oraibi and 
Old Oraibi. Just now the population is gaining at the old town at the expense of New Oraibi. 
This pattern now will probably cease. Various pueblos now have running water, sewage disposal 
systems, and electricity. During the next few years probably all the pueblos will take advan- 
tage of Federal aid to install these facilities. This will make house-building much more difficult 
and costly, and families will be more prone to remain in one house. 

Partly demolished houses have been a feature of every modern pueblo village. The number 
of vacant houses in a community is sometimes surprising, as at Zuni, the Hopi towns, and Zia, 
as shown by Stubbs (1950). Stubbs gathered data in the late 1940's, after the beginning of 
the extensive rebuilding which followed World War II. It is not too much of a task to build 
a house if the house is small, consists of little more than a shell of masonry walls and the roofing, 
especially if most of the materials can be obtained from a nearby abandoned house. All these 
conditions prevailed at Canyon de Chelly. For any number of reasons Pueblo Indians have 
abandoned their homes. Common causes are misfortunes, death or the curse or presence of a 
witch. Similar customs and beliefs must also have existed in prehistoric times to help account 
for the large number of small settlements which existed in Canyon de Chelly. There was 
strong evidence of a series of very small communities at Tse-ta'a. Also evidence exists of room 
blocks of various styles and qualities of masonry at White House, the largest ruin in Canyon de 
Chelly. Much of White House has been destroyed by the Rio de Chelly during the past 80 
years; it was once a ruin of perhaps a hundred rooms or more, but again the slight evidence of 
the remaining: walls indicates only a small population. 

There are questions and problems which should be answered in order to understand pre- 
historic life in the canyons more fully. One of the important questions concerning the occupancy 
of the canyon by the Indians is, "Did the Indians live in the canyons throughout the year?" 

The Navajo stay in the canyons only during the period from May to October. Winter is 
spent on the mesas or in the Chinle Valley. As winter sets in, cold air currents flow down the 
canyon bottoms, and a bone-cracking chill prevails until late spring. 

There are ruins in the Chinle Valley near the mouth of Canyon de Chelly, but they seem 
to be normal prehistoric pueblos, near arable land and not merely winter homes. The inference 
must be that prehistoric people lived in the canyons throughout the year. If this was so, it 
means that these people lived in a miserable cold for more than half of each year. 

The least known periods of human occupation in Canyon de Chelly are Pueblo I and Hopi, 
but more also needs to be done with remains of Basketmaker times. Much of Morris' work 

116 



was in Basketmaker remains at Tseh-ya-tso and Mummy Cave; but rich as his finds were, they 
were rather specialized and consisted largely of storage cists and their contents. These include 
some extraordinarily rich burials. More pithouses should be dug. The single pithouse reported 
by De Harport and the two incomplete specimens at Tse-ta'a are the only houses of the period 
yet recorded from the area. 

Much more must be done at the Pueblo I horizon to understand that phase of development 
in the canyons. I suspect, however, that the small unit reported here will prove to be typical of 
other contemporaneous sites. 

Pueblo II and Pueblo III, on the basis of what was found at Tse-ta'a, appear to have been a 
short-lived early Pueblo II period followed by a long span of Pueblo II-Pueblo III development, 
which must have come to an end about the middle of the 13th century. The incidence of 
Mesa Verde type masonry and pottery in the canyons generally appears in so pure a context 
that one gets an impression that the "Mesa Verde" people moved into an area already abandoned 
by their predecessors. 

Of the Hopi occupation, I doubt that little more will ever be learned. Their shelters were 
apparently ephemeral, with no accumulation of the debris which collects around a permanent 
dwelling. It is unlikely that the remains of a permanent Hopi settlement will be found in the 
canyons. 






m 




117 



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1955. Pottery Types of the Southwest, Wares 5A, 10A, 10B, 12A. Museum of Northern Arizona, 
Ceramic Series no. 3. Flagstaff, Ariz. 

BREW, JOHN OTIS 

1946. Archaeology of Alkali Ridge, Southeastern Utah. Papers of the Peabody Museum of 
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COLTON, HAROLD S. 

1932. A Survey of Prehistoric Sites in the Region of Flagstaff, Arizona. Bureau of American 
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1955. Pottery Types of the Southwest {Wares 8 A, 8B, 9 A, 9B). Museum of Northern Arizona, 
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COLTON, H. S., AND HARGRAVE, LYNDON L. 

1937. Handbook of Northern Arizona Pottery Wares. Museum of Northern Arizona, Bulletin 11. 

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CULIN, STEWART 

1907. Games of the North American Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology, 24th Annual 

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DE HARPORT, DAVID 

1950. An Archaeological Survey of Canyon de Chelly: Preliminary Report for the Field Seasons of 

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1953. An Archaeological Survey of Canyon de Chelly: Preliminary Report for the 1951 Season, in El 
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EULER, R. C.j AND JONES, VOLNEY H. 

1956. Hermetic Sealing as a Technique of Food Preservation Among the Indians of the American 
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FARMER, MALCOLM F. 

1 954. An Early Visit to Canyon de Chelly, Arizona, in Piateau, vol. 26, no. 4, pp. 1 24-1 25. Flagstaff. 

FERDON, EDWIN N., JR. 

1955. A Trial Survey of Mexican-Southwestern Architectural Parallels. Monographs of the School 
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FRANCISCAN FATHERS 

1910. An Ethnologic Dictionary of the Navajo Language. The Franciscan Fathers, St. Michaels, 
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118 



HARGRAVE, LYNDON L. 

1932. Guide to Forty Pottery Types from The Hopi Country and The San Francisco Mountains, 
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HILL, W. W. 

1936. Navaho Rites for Dispelling Insanity and Delirium, in El Palacio, vol. 41, nos. 14, 15, and 

16, pp. 71-74. Santa Fe. 
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HODGE, FREDERICK W. 

1920. Hawikuh Bonework. Indian Notes and Monographs, vol. 3, no. 3, Museum of the 

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JUDD, NEIL M. 

1954. The Material Culture of Pueblo Bonito. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 
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KEUR, DOROTHY LOUISE 

1941. Big Bead Mesa. Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, no. 1. Menasha, 
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KIDDER, ALFRED VINCENT 

1932. The Artifacts of Pecos. Robert S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology, Andover, 
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McCOWN, B. E. 

1955. Temeku: A Page from the History of the Luiseno Indians. Archeological Survey Associa- 
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MARTIN, PAUL S. 

1938. Archaeological Work in the Ackmen-Lowry Area, Southwestern Colorado, 1937. Anthro- 
pological Series, vol. 23, no. 2, Field Museum of Natural History. Chicago. 

MATTHEWS, WASHINGTON 

1884. Navajo Weavers. Bureau of American Ethnology, 3d Annual Report, Smithsonian 
Institution. Washington, D.C. 

MINDELEFF, COSMOS 

1897. Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly, Arizona. Bureau of American Ethnology, 16th Annual 
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MINDELEFF, VICTOR 

1891. A Study of Pueblo Architecture, Tusayan and Cibola. Bureau of American Ethnology, 8th 
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119 



MORRIS, EARL H. 

1925. Exploring in the Canyon of Death, in National Geographic Magazine, vol. 48, pp. 263-300. 
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1939. Archeological Studies in the La Plata District. Carnegie Institution of Washington, 
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1941. Prayer Sticks in Walls of Mummy Cave Tower, in American Antiquity, vol. 6, no. 3, pp. 

227-230. Menasha, Wis. 
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O'CONNELL, DANIEL T. 

1939. The Black Dye of the Navajos, in Science, vol. 90, no. 2339, p. 272. Washington, D.C. 

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1946. The Distinctive Features and Distribution of the San Juan Anasazi Culture, in Southwestern 
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1958. Excavations in Mancos Canyon, Colorado. University of Utah, Anthropological Papers 
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ROBERTS, FRANK H. H., JR. 

1929. Shabik' 'eschee Village. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 92, Smithsonian 
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120 



STEVENSON, JAMES 

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Smithsonian Institution. Washington, D.C. 
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STUBBS, STANLEY A. 

1950. Bird's Eye View of the Pueblos. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. 

STUBBS, STANLEY A., and STALLINGS, W. S., JR. 

1953. The Excavation of Pindi Pueblo, New Mexico. Monographs of the School of American 
Research and the Laboratory of Anthropology, no. 18. Santa Fe. 

VESTAL, PAUL A. 

1952. Ethnobotany of the Ramah Navaho. (Reports of the Ramah Project No. 4.) Papers 
of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, 
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VIVIAN, R. GORDON 

1 959. The Hubbard Site and Other Tri- Wall Structures in New Mexico and Colorado. Archeological 
Research Series no. 5, National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior. 
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WATSON, DON 

1953. Indians of the Mesa Verde. Mesa Verde Museum Association, Mesa Verde National 
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WHEELER, S. M. 

1938. A Site at Descanso, California, in The Masterkey, vol. 12, no. 5, pp. 192-194, Southwest 
Museum. Los Angeles. 



121 



APPENDIX 1 



Human Skeletal Material from Tse-ta'a 
By Erik K. Reed ' 



T 

1- his i 



.his report presents the physical anthropological data obtainable on 20 human skeletons 
(10 of them infants) recovered from various levels in the Tse-ta'a excavations. Certain aspects 
and specific topics are taken up separately following a summary of the individual specimens. 



A. Individual Specimens 

Burial No. 3: A child aged l-l}o years. 2 Cranial deformation, of uncertain type, is suggested 
by the curvature of parietals and frontal. 3 

Burial No. 5: A comparatively large adult male, probably about 25 years old. Tall, for a 
Pueblo Indian, fairly muscular but rather slender bones. Vertical occipital cranial deformation. 
No pathological features except (1) a deviated nasal septum and (2) the injuries which may 
well have been the cause of death — several cuts and depressed fractures (four observable) on the 
right parietal, toward the back and low, no indications of healing; evidently due to repeated 
blows with a small sharp instrument — pointed or sharp-edged, 1 inch wide. 

A large, broad, high skull, with a long face of moderate width (leptene and leptoprosopic). 
Large mastoids, prominent inion, well-developed nuchal musculature indicated by occiput 
Several small Wormian bones in the lambdoid suture, especially the left half. Wide full frontal, 

123 



with slight development of supraorbital ridges. No nasion depression ; nasalia long, high, well 
arched, with slight overgrowth; prominent nasal spine. Alveolar prognathism. Shovel-shaped 
incisors. Very little caries on pre-molars and first molars. A strong, deep mandible with strong 
square (bilateral) chin, no eversion of gonial angles. 

Burial No. 6: A baby in the first year of life. Marked cranial deformation (type undeter- 
mined). Osteoporosis or periosteitis on parietals. 

Burial No. 7: A middle-aged adult female, incomplete and fragmentary. Humerus muscu- 
lar, with considerable torsion; femur not strongly pilastered or particularly bowed. Cranial 
deformation probable, type undetermined. No pathology noted, save for loss (pre-mortem) 
of several lower teeth — lower middle incisors and left molars. A little caries of molars. Measure- 
ments not feasible, save for symphysial height of mandible — 29 mm. 

Burial No. 9: Two young individuals, in very poor condition but fairly complete. A 
male, 14 to 15 years old, and a female, about 11 years old. Lambdoid cranial deformation clear 
on the male; a distinct suggestion of vertical occipital deformation on the female. No pathology 
observed. 

Burial No. 13: A baby, from anatomical criteria newborn — -but great frontal breadth 
suggests cradleboard flattening and consequently survival for a short period. 

Burial No. 14: A baby, in the first year of life. Vertical occipital deformation. Osteoporosis. 

Burial No. 16: A few teeth and fragments of an adult skull. Shovel-shaped incisors. 

Burial No. 17: A young and rather small adult, sex uncertain, very fragmentary and in- 
complete. Long bones quite slender, not very muscular. No determination possible as to 
cranial deformation. No pathological features observed. 

A short face; nasalia well arched; alveolar prognathism. Incisors not shovel-shaped. 
Mandible thick and strong, with strong chin, no gonial eversion. 

Burial No. 18: A baby, probably first year of life; fragmentary and incomplete. 

Burial No. 19: A child under 3 years old, probably between 2 and 3. 

Burial No. 20: A child just over 3 years of age. Vertical occipital deformation. 

Burial No. 21: An adult, incomplete and in poor condition. Sex uncertain — skull appears 
male, but long bones are small and suggest female (pelvis missing). Long bones rather slender 
but muscular — femora pilastered; tibial heads retroverted. Lambdoid cranial deformation, 
asymmetric with greater compression at the left. No pathology observed. 

Slight but well-defined supra-orbital ridges. No nasion depression, well-arched nasalia; 
no nasal overgrowth. Orthognathous or with very slight alveolar prognathism. 

Burial No. 24: A child of about lji years of age. Vertical occipital deformation. A slight 
incidence of osteoporosis along the lambdoid suture. 

Burial No. 25: A child, close to 5 years old on the basis of the femur length of 158 mm. and 
absence of the first molar. (From 1951 notes; specimen not examined by Dr. Stewart.) 

Burial No. 26: A sub-adult female, about 17 years old. Long bones are slender, straight, 
smooth, not muscular — no humeral torsion, no pilastering of femora; a small third trochanter on 
the right femur. Perforated olecranon fossa of humerus. Vertical occipital deformation. No 

124 



pathology, but a striking and unusual anomaly — an extra pair of small condyles at the front of the 
foramen magnum, with a corresponding second pair of articular facets on the atlas. 4 

Wormian bones, with a sizeable one (not an os inca) at lambda. A rather low-arched frontal, 
especially considering the occipital deformation; with no development of supraorbital ridges. 
No nasion depression; well-arched nasalia, no nasal overgrowth; nasal spine only moderately 
developed. Alveolar prognathism. Shovel-shaped incisors. Mandible smallish; chin median, 
not strong; no gonial flare. Exceptionally large inferior dental foramina. 

Burial No. 27: A child, about 1% years old. Marked vertical occipital cranial deformation. 
Slight osteoporosis. 

Burial No. 28: A juvenile, probably male, about 13 years old. Long bones quite good-sized 
for this age, but slender and not yet muscular. Moderate vertical occipital cranial deformation, 
with marked asymmetry to the right — decidedly greater compression on the right, with the 
natural bulge of the occiput surviving to some degree. 

Numerous small Wormian bones in occipital suture, and also at pterion. Peculiar transverse 
bulge and groove on top of cranium, mainly on right parietal. Mastoids and styloids quite small. 
Frontal smooth and full, no supraorbital ridges. No nasion depression; nasalia rather wide and 
low, not arched; only moderate or submedium nasal spine. Orbits relatively large, especially 
high; alveolar prognathism. Malars especially prominent forward, and quite sharply angulated. 
Shovel-shaped incisors. Chin well developed, median; mandible smallish, and too small to 
match the upper jaw — slight overbite, protrusion of upper incisors; and molars do not meet 
properly, overlapping not matching. Eversion of gonial angles, not very marked but quite 
definite, the only instance in this series. 

Burial No. 29: An adult (elderly) female. Moderate lambdoid cranial deformation, slightly 
asymmetric with greater compression at the right. 

Humeri very muscular and twisted ; femora moderately pilastered and bowed ; tibiae notably 
curved. Long bones in general small and slender, rather muscular. 

Extreme case of hypertrophic arthritis, observable on spine, pelvis, knees and ankles, and 
metatarsals, with eburnation of the joints at the knee. No pathological features on the bones of 
the arms. A large "button osteoma" of bony growth on upper right region of the frontal. 

Occipital and sagittal sutures very complex but no Wormian bones except a quite small one 
at lambda. Styloids large, left mastoid medium, right mastoid notably reduced with a very 
wide smooth sulcus. Moderate development of brow ridges. 

No nasion depression; nasalia prominent, especially high arching, no overgrowth, nasal 
spine moderate; face small and short (height reduced by alveolar recession), slight mid-facial 
prognathism plus some alveolar protrusion. All upper teeth long since gone. 

Mandible small, reduced by absorption; well-developed median chin. No gonial flare. 
All lower molars, and premolars except second left, lost pre- mortem and completely grown over; 
also, two lower incisors lost pre- mortem, but not very long, not resorbed. Caries on the one 
surviving pre-molar. Upper face height was probably between 60 and 65 mm. before loss of 
teeth and recession, and total face height probably was between 115 and 120 mm. 

125 



B. Discussion 

1. Artificial Cranial Deformation. 

Of the 14 more or less observable skulls in the series, 8 show vertical occipital deformation, 
only 3 show lambdoid cranial deformation; on 3 others, the type of deformation is uncertain, 
and none are definitely undeformed. The vertical deformation is generally even, with only 
one case of decided (right) asymmetry; of the three lambdoids, one shows greater compression 
on the left and one on the right. 

Burial No. 9 (the very young male with lambdoid deformation and the girl with slight 
vertical deformation), though without offerings, was evidently of Pueblo III, Mancos-Mesa 
Verde, times. Burial No. 21 (lambdoid) was accompanied by several Mancos Black-on-white 
vessels; Burial No. 29 (lambdoid), by Mesa Verde Black-on-white. 

The high incidence of vertical occipital deformation is quite surprising, here in the San Juan 
Anasazi area, even in a district of Mesa Verde culture (cf. E. K. Reed, "The significance of skull 
deformation in the Southwest," El Palacio 56(4) :1 06—1 1 9, April 1949). It is partially accounted 
for by the late Hopi reoccupation of the 18th century: Burial No. 27 is definitely of this period, 
and Burials 26 and 28 are believed to be. Three of the five other occipitally deformed specimens 
(No. 5, No. 24, and the female of No. 9) are from Pueblo III contexts. Vertical occipital defor- 
mation, along with the lambdoid type, occurs in classic Mesa Verde times in the classic Mesa 
Verde area. 

Burials No. 14 and No. 20, however, were accompanied by Kana'a Black-on-white jars 
(Pueblo I) and would appear to be the only known instances of vertical occipital deformation 
at so early a time anywhere in the San Juan River drainage or north of the Little Colorado 
Valley. In the Mogollon groups to the south, of course, the trait occurs considerably earlier. 

2. Features and Measurements of the Face. 

Supraorbital ridges are submedium or slight (Nos. 5, 21, 29) or entirely undeveloped (Nos. 
26, 28). There is no nasion depression. Nasalia are for the most part high and well arched, 
with neither overgrowth nor undergrowth (cf. J. B. Birdsell in: Papers in the Physical Anthropology 
of the American Indian, Viking Fund, New York, 1951), but No. 28 has rather wide and low 
nasalia, not arched, while No. 5 manifests a slight tendency to nasal overgrowth. The nasal 
spine ranges from prominent and strong (No. 5) through moderate (Nos. 21, 26, 29) to sub- 
medium (No. 28). 

Definite alveolar prognathism is characteristic (Nos. 5, 17, 26, 28), but No. 21 is almost 
orthognathous, with slight if any alveolar protrusion ; and No. 29 shows slight mid-facial prog- 
nathism plus alveolar projection. The chin is generally prominent and of median type (No. 5 
has a bilateral type of strong chin). There is no gonial flare, except in No. 28 which manifests 
a slight but definite eversion of the angles of the jaw. The mandible is deep and strong in No. 
5 (male) and No. 17 (uncertain), light and smallish with less developed chin in Nos. 26 and 29 
(female) and small but with a strong chin in No. 28 (juvenile, probably male). 

126 



The large young male, No. 5, has an exceptionally long face and long, relatively quite 
narrow nose. The females are below general Anasazi means in total face height and nasal 
height; No. 29 has an exceptionally high (platyrrhine) nasal index. Generally speaking, 
however, the Tse-ta'a skulls correspond well, in the facial measurements unaffected by artificial 
cranial deformation as well as in facial features such as prominent nasalia and alveolar progna- 
thism, to Chaco Canyon-Zufii-Basketmaker skeletal material and the general Southwest Plateau 
racial type characteristic of practically all Pueblo groups west of the Rio Grande (cf. C. C. 
Seltzer, Racial Prehistory in the Southwest and the Hawikuh Zunis, Peabody Museum Papers XXIII-I, 
Cambridge, 1944). 

3. Dentition. 

Tooth wear is moderate or marked to extreme. Except in skeletons Nos. 7 and 29, few pre- 
mortem tooth losses are noted. Incisors are shovel-shaped in the few observable cases, except 
No. 17. 

No dental pathology was observed, except that a little caries was noted on most individuals. 

4. The Long Bones: Stature. 

Only on two specimens are long-bone measurements definite enough to permit attempts at 
reconstruction of stature (using the Pearson formulae). The young male, No. 5, is rather tall 
for a Pueblo Indian, about 5 feet 5 l / 2 inches or 5 feet 6 inches; this is above the averages of calcu- 
lated statures of published skeletal series, which run around 5 feet 4 inches. The elderly woman, 
No. 29, at around 4 feet 8% inches, is somewhat below average for Pueblo Indian females (the 
typical measurement is 4 feet 11 inches or 5 feet). Measurements on the others are not depend- 
able, but statures close to normal are indicated. 

5. The Long Bones: General. 

Arm and leg bones are generally smooth and slender, not especially muscular. Two females 
have the femora rather strongly pilastered and humeri very muscular and twisted. 

Other than pathology and anomalies, discussed below, special features of interest noted 
include septal apertures of the humerus (perforated olecranon fossa) in No. 26, a sub-adult 
female; and a somewhat developed third trochanter on the right femur of the same individual. 

6. Pathology and Anomalies. 

Cause of death is at least suggested, if not clearly indicated, for three of the seven adult 
and sub-adult (adolescent) individuals — an unusually high percentage. The healthy and husky 
youthful adult male, No. 5, presumably was killed by heavy blows on the back of the head with 
a sharp instrument; the broken-in area corresponds nicely to a small stone ax blade. The 
17-year-old girl, No. 26, was found not as a burial but sprawled under a fallen wall of an aban- 
doned kiva. 

The old woman, No. 29, might have succumbed from disease and malnutrition; pathological 

127 



features are numerous, including (1) an example of the "button osteomata" on the braincase 
which are ascribed to vitamin deficiency (cf. E. A. Hooton, The Indians of Pecos, 1930, p. 315); 

(2) an exceptionally wide groove under the right mastoid (the left one being normal), although 
there are no indications of mastoiditis observed in the process itself, which is of reduced size; 

(3) loss of all upper teeth and most lower teeth, alveolar recession, and mandible greatly reduced 
by absorption; (5) a good deal of arthritic growth on vertebrae and some on the pelvis, extreme 
arthritis of the knees and even on the feet ; (6) the tibiae small and bent, sharply curved in both 
planes. The only major segment of skeleton No. 29 manifesting no pathology is the arms, with 
no arthritic exostoses observed on the very muscular twisted humeri or the small but strong 
lower arms. 

No other cases of arthritis were observed. Anomalies of the skull noted include No. 26, an 
extra pair of occipital condyles, small ones mounted in front of the foramen magnum, and 
corresponding double sockets on the atlas — a striking and quite unusual condition; No. 28, a 
peculiar transverse bulge and groove on the roof of the skull, mainly on the right parietal, not 
an ordinary post-coronal depression. 

Infant mortality obviously was high. As against 6 adults, an adolescent girl, a 13-year-old 
boy (No. 28), and 2 youngsters constituting Burial No. 9, we have 10 baby skeletons — 7 of them 
not over 1% years old at death, with osteoporosis observable on several of the crania. 

Dimensions and indices are shown in the following table. 



DIMENSIONS AND INDICES 

[Cranial breadth, length, and index are omitted as being virtually meaningless on strongly 
deformed crania. All measurements are given in millimeters] 



Min. frontal diameter 

Max. bizygomatic diameter 

Total face height 

Upper face height 

Nasal height 

Nasal breadth 

Orbit (r.) height 

Dacryal breadth 

Symp. ht. mandible 

Total facial index 

Upper facial index 

Nasal index 

Mean orbital 

Diam. head, r. femur 

R. humerus length 

Physiological (bicondylar) 

length, r. femur. 

Max. length (incl. spine and 

malleolus), r. tibia. 



104 
141 
131 

80 

55 

25 

39 

35 

37 

92.9 

56.7 

45.4 

89.7 

43 
331 

458 

377 



B 



urial 



17 



(68-70?) 



37 



(1,40?) 



(415?) 



21 



(75?) 
52 
26 
39 
36 



26 



50.0 
92.3 



(400?) 



(320?) (320?) 



90 

124 

106 
67 
47 
25 
38.5 
34.5 
30 
85.5 
54.0 
53.2 
87.1 



28 



93 
118 
106 

62 

45 

23 

36.5 

33 

29 

89.8 

52.5 

51.1 

90.4 



264 
(370) 
(320) 



29 



95 

130 

(97) 

(59) 

45 

27 

37 

34 

31 



60.0 
91.9 



360 
300 



128 



Notes 

1 Regional Chief, Division of History and Archeology, National Park Service, Santa Fe, N. Mex. A prelimi- 
nary version of this report was completed in July 1951. It was extensively revised and corrected on the basis of 
comments and determinations by Dr. T. D. Stewart, Curator of Anthropology, U.S. National Museum, who 
very kindly went over the material on November 26, 1955, and has been most helpful on this and other projects. 

2 Age determinations, especially for children, were made by Dr. Stewart, on the basis of tooth eruption and 
also of bone size, particularly femur length (cf. his chapter in: R. B. H. Gradwohl, ed., Legal Medicine, C. V. 
Mosby Co., St. Louis, 1954, ch. 17, Evaluation of evidence from the skeleton, by T. D. Stewart, pp. 407-450). 
For older children and adolescents, age assessments are based primarily on epiphyseal unions; for adults, on 
changes in the pubic symphysis and the clavicle rather than on sutural obliteration (cf. T. D. Stewart and Mildred 
Trotter, eds., Basic Readings on the Identification of Human Skeletons: Estimation of Age, Wenner-Gren Foundation for 
Anthropological Research, New York, 1954; and R. Singer, "Estimation of age from cranial suture closure — a 
report on its unreliability " Journal of Forensic Medicine, vol. 1, no. 1, pp. 52-59, Cape Town, July-September 
1953). 

3 Child skeletons (Burials 3, 6, 13, 14, 18, 19, 20, 25), including this one, and some of the adults (Burials 7, 
16, 17) were fragmentary, incomplete, and in poor condition. All such material has been discarded or else held 
for possible comparative use in connection with other studies. Burials 5, 9, 21, 24, 26, 27 (though a small child), 
28, and 29 are complete, or nearly so, and in good or fairly good condition, or worth saving at any rate. 
These eight have been retained for the permanent collection and possible use in museum exhibits, and deposited 
at Gila Pueblo (Southwest Archeological Center, National Park Service), Globe, Ariz., for storage. 

* Cf. G. E. Broman, "Precondylar tubercles in American Whites and Negroes," American Journal of Physical 
Anthropology, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 125-136, March 1957. 



129 

736-006 O— 66 10 '" 



APPENDIX 2 



D 



Dogs from Tse-ta'a 

By William G. Haag 
Louisiana State University 



ogs constitute a normal adjunct of the modern Pueblo scene, and there is ample 
evidence to indicate this has been so for many centuries. The finds of dog remains at Tse-ta'a 
are actually quite sparse and too few for a definitive study, but the incidence is about that noted 
in other Pueblo sites. 

Each of the occurrences of a dog at the site is interesting in its uniqueness. The following 
observations are based on laboratory examination and the field notes of the principal investigator 
of the site. 

A burial of two dogs, designated Burial No. 2 in the field, was found in the fill of a Pueblo I 
pithouse but must be dated as of Pueblo II times. They had been buried in a stone-lined firepit 
which apparently was in an outdoor work area. Associated with the firepit was a considerable 
amount of debris, including pottery ranging in age from early types such as Lino Gray to Navajo 
forms. Despite the considerable disturbance of the midden, caused by the modern Navajos 
digging a storage pit in the room, the dog burial was judged to have been some time after the 
house was abandoned. Hence, Burial 2 is placed in the Pueblo II period. 

The two dogs of Burial 2 might have been an adult female and her pup. At least one of the 
skeletons is that of a mature animal and the other is that of a very young dog with skull sutures 
open, long bone epiphyses still unfused, and teeth not yet erupted. The adult appears to be, for 
aboriginal dogs, very small. It was the only dog from Tse-ta'a furnishing sufficient measure- 
ments upon which could be based some ideas of size and general configuration. The following 
measurements were obtained; all are in millimeters. 



131 



Width at mastoids 51.5 

Width occipital condyles 29.4 

Width supraorbital processes 43.5 

Width interorbitals 31.5 

Cranial height 44.5 

Maximum crainal width 48.0 

Least cranial width 32.0 

Upper dentition, alveolar: 

M1-M2 19.2 

Carnassial length 14.0 

Mandible, alveolar: 

I1-M3 78.0 

C-M3 74.3 

P3-M3 48.0 

P4-M4 39.0 

M1-M3 30.0 

Carnassial length, Ml 1 8.9 

Bicondylar width 71. 5 

Condylo-symphysis 1 04.0 

Long bone lengths:. 

Humerus 1 06.0 

Femur .* 118.0 

Tibia 120.0 

No measurements were recorded for the immature dog of Burial 2. 

Found on the floor of Structure 32 were the bones of several dogs. None of these dogs may 
be considered a burial, since the bones are without exception broken as though the marrow had 
been sought. None of the postcranial bones found was measurable. Only one skull fragment 
was restorable with its accompanying portions of the mandibles. Three other mandibles were 
repaired, and all revealed the following measures. 

The specimen that yielded most measurements was a small-size dog, smaller than two of the 
other three specimens. All four of the dogs may be classed as small size. The smaller gave the 
following measurements: 

Width at M1 , outside 52.5 

Upper dentition, alveolar: 

C-M2 60.5 

P1-M2 51.0 

P2-M2 44.5 

M1-M2 17.0 

Mandible, alveolar: 

C-M3 79.5 

P1-M3 61.0 

P2-M3 56.0 

P3-M3 49.0 

P4-M3 40.0 

M1-M3 31.0 

Carnassial length, Ml 1 9.0 

132 



A notable feature of this dog is the marked crowding of the second and third upper pre- 
molars. Actually P2 overlaps P3 and a shortening of the muzzle results. It is unfortunate that 
measurements of total skull length could not be made on this specimen. 

The three mandibles are as follows: 

ABC 

I1-M3 86.0 

C-M3 80.0 

P1-M3 60.5 63.5 65.0 

P2-M3 56.5 58.5 60.5 

P3-M3 48.5 51.0 52.0 

P4-M3 39.0 41.0 41.0 

M1-M3 29.0 31.5 32.0 

Carnassial lensth, M1 ~ 17.7 19.5 19.6 

Accompanying these dog remains on the floor of Structure 32 were turkey leg and pelvic 
bones. At Level 8, Structure 32, several other bird bones were found, all of which have been 
identified as turkey. They are relatively large, but whether this can be construed as indicating 
domestication cannot be argued very strongly. With these latter turkey bones were fragments 
of deer bones and those of three more dogs. Only one dog was sufficiently restorable to yield 
measurements. 

Width at mastoids 56.5 

Width occipital condyles 29.0 

Maximum cranial width 51 .5 

Cranial height 50.0 

Upper dentition, alveolar: 

M1-M2 16.0 

Carnassial 1 6.8 

Mandible, alveolar: 

P2-M3 56.5 

P3-M3 48.0 

P4-M3 39.5 

M1-M3 30.0 

The remaining specimens are mandible portions that came from several localities within the 
excavations. These bones may best be tabulated together; their derivations follow. 

Mandible alveolar: D E F G 

I1-M3 72.5 .... 

C-M3 76.0 68.0 .... 

P1-M3 62.0 61.5 55.0 64.5 

P2-M3 57.0 58.0 51.5 58.5 

P3-M3 49.0 49.5 46.0 51.5 

P4-M3 32.5 40.0 38.0 40.0 

M1-M3 29.5 31.0 28.5 30.0 

Carnassial, M1 18.9 19.3 . ... 18.2 

D — From Structure 38, Level 1. F — From Structure 59, Level 4. 

E — From Structure 57, Level 3. G — From Section G, Level 4. 

133 



The foregoing constitute the total of the dog remains. An additional skeleton, Burial 22, 
appeared to be an intentional burial of the front half of a dog, but it proved to be a coyote. 
This was the best preserved specimen found (in Section L, Level 6), but it is undoubtedly a 
coyote. A rather complete skeleton of an immature dog was found in Structure 47, Level 5, 
but no measurements were feasible. 

Despite the few measurements yielded by the dogs, some interesting generalizations may be 
made. The cultural provenience of the finds is of no great encompass. From Basketmaker III 
come the specimens from Structure 32, Floor; and probably from Basketmaker Ill-Pueblo I is 
Structure 38, Level 1. Burial 2 and Structure 32, Level 8, are assigned to Pueblo II. Section 
G, Level 4, is Pueblo I to II, whereas Structure 57, Level 3, and Structure 59, Level 4, are 
Late Pueblo III. Hence, it may be argued that the dog remains are from a time zone spanning 
not more than 800 years and perhaps as few as 400. Of course, it is conceivable that the dogs 
are all contemporaneous. 

In an earlier study of aboriginal dogs, it was found that Basketmaker and early Pueblo dogs 
were generally smaller than at later times, such as Pueblo III and IV (Haag, 1948, p. 158). 
Lawrence examined some of the same specimens upon which these conclusions were based 
and compared them with finds from the Governador area of northern New Mexico (Hall, 1944, 
p. 74). She recognized in the latter excavations three dog types: Basketmaker, small and 
slender-nosed, and small and short-nosed. Although no measurements are included in this 
report, the Basketmaker dogs referred to are Nos. 28764 and 31733 in my compilation (ibid., 
p. 152). These may be equated with Allen's "Smaller Indian Dog" or "Techichi" (Allen, 1920). 
It is sufficient to say that all known references to dog remains with Basketmaker sites would 
indicate that such dogs are among the smaller known for the New World. 

Although Burial 2 is equated with the Pueblo II period, all the measurements of this speci- 
men would indicate that it belongs with other Basketmaker type skulls. In fact, the general 
robustness of the skull is slighter than that of most of the Governador specimens — Nos. 41169, 
41172, 41173, and 41177 in my table 3 (Haag, loc. cit.). It is appreciably less than that from 
Canyon del Muerto (28764) and from La Plata (31733). 

The other Tse-ta'a specimen that yielded a few cranial measurements is slightly heavier in 
the cranium or more robust than Burial 2, but their dental measurements are nearly identical. 
Both of these specimens yield measures that are consistently near or less than the averages for 
the "Small Dogs from Kentucky and Alabama Shell Heaps" (Ibid., p. 230). 

All the remaining mandibles fall well within the range of small dogs. Whether short-nosed 
or slender-nosed varieties are present here cannot be positively ascertained from the specimens. 
However, the smaller dog from the floor of Structure 32 with upper dentition measuring only 
60.5 mm. from C to M2 may be judged the short-nosed variety. Measurements obtained on the 
Late Pueblo III form from Structure 59, Level 4 (F in the tabulation above) would suggest it 
too belongs here. 

A further comment on the half coyote skeleton may be noteworthy. The skull measure- 
ments are in most measures very near those for the type specimen of the coyote known to range 

134 



throughout this area. This animal, Canis latrans mearnsi, is the only coyote subspecies reported 
in the vicinity of Canyon de Chelly (Young and Jackson, 1951, p. 299). Burials of other animals 
than dogs also have been found before. In the American Museum of Natural History collections 
are two wolf skulls, each of which was buried beneath a house floor in Aztec Ruin. 

The demonstration of the presence of small-size dogs for these Basketmaker-Pueblo remains 
is not unexpected. It does indicate that the small dog was the only common form for northern 
Arizona and immediate environs during this time period. Also, from the numerous broken 
bones of dogs we may infer, as did Lawrence for the Governador, that dogs constituted an integral 
part of the diet of these people. Certainly the smallness of size precludes any packing uses 
for these animals. 

Whereas I once considered the size of the dog a good relative-chronology indicator, it would 
now seem that this is an unwarranted and generally useless observation (Haag, ibid., p. 258). 
These Basketmaker dogs are as small as those from the Kentucky and Alabama shell heaps, yet 
the former are from sites that may be about 500 to 1,200 years old whereas the latter date more 
than 4,000 to near 5,000 years ago. This would lead to the conclusion that the dog was a rela- 
tively stable animal among early peoples of North America. The larger breeds did not appear 
until intentional selection and breeding made them desirable. 



References Cited 

ALLEN, G. M. 

1920. Dogs of the American Aborigines. Bulletin of Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard 
University, vol. 63, pp. 429-517. Cambridge. 
HAAG, W. G. 

1948. An Osteometric Analysis of Some Aboriginal Dogs. University of Kentucky Reports in 
Anthropology, vol. VII, no. 3, pp. 105-264. Lexington. 
HALL, E. T., JR. 

1944. Early Stockaded Settlements in the Governador New Mexico. Columbia Studies in Arche- 
ology and Ethnology, vol. II, pt. 1. New York. 
YOUNG, S. P., AND JACKSON, H. H. T. 

1951. The Clever Coyote. Stackpole. Harrisburg, Pa. 






135 



APPENDIX 3 



The Faunal Record, Tse-ta'a 

By Thomas W. Mathews 

Southwest Archeological Center 

Gila Pueblo, Globe, Arizona 



T 

M he c 



.he collection of faunal remains discussed below was salvaged during excavations 
at the archeological site Tse-ta'a, Canyon de Chelly National Monument, northeastern Arizona, 
by C. R. Steen, National Park Service, during the field seasons of 1949-50. 

The collection now numbers 485 specimens, representing 56 stratigraphic entities. These 
units relate to 21 structures and 8 sections in the site and have 1 to 6 further separations by level. 
(See table 1.) In addition, 81 bone artifacts were submitted for identification. These last, 
where sufficiently intact to permit study, are presented as a separate section. 

Methods and Comparative Sources 

Two comparative osteological collections were used in the study of this material. Most of the 
mammal and bird specimens, except the Artwdactyls, were worked up using control specimens 
belonging to the Food Habits Studies comparative faunal collections at the Wildlife Research 
Laboratory, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, Denver, Colo. The artiodactyl material was com- 
pleted using the mammal comparative collection at the Southwest Archeological Center. Collab- 
orator Lyndon L. Hargrave, of the Center, has very kindly furnished the identification of one 
of the raptorial birds and has confirmed the identification of the other. 

In addition to Hargrave, I am indebted to Charles C. Sperry, the senior mammologist, now 
retired, and A. L. Ward, present supervisor of the Animal Food Habits Studies, Wildlife Research 
Laboratory, for permission to use the extensive collection housed there and for much information 
and patient help with the various problems and methods used in the comparative studies of 

137 



skeletal materials. I wish also to thank Richard E. Pillmore, Colorado State Fish and Game 
Department, for discussions of taxonomic questions as they relate to the special case of the isolated 
archeological specimen. 

Organization of the Material 

The material presented here consists of a summarizing faunal list of all identifications secured, 
with a brief explanatory excursus. This is followed by separate presentation of the general 
collection and bone artifacts. Each exposition contains a table of identified faunal forms with 
provenience indicated and a summarized list by percentage. A section of notes on the species 
identified and on the specimens follows. Minimum faunal counts and their interpretation, with 
a general summary, completes the study. 

The Faunal List 

The species identified from the Tse-ta'a collections are listed in proper taxonomic sequence. 
Level of identification for each category is indicated by the terms used. Doubtful attributions 
have been preceded by a question mark; suggested subspecies are followed by a question mark. 
Both morphologic characteristics and present known distribution have been used where subspecies 
are indicated. (See tables 1 and 2.) 

Mammals 

Primates 

Homo sapiens (man) 
Lagomorphs 

Lepus californicus, probably texianus (ssp?) (black-tailed jackrabbit) 

Sylvilagus auduboni, probably warreni (ssp?) (cottontail) 
Rodents 

Sciurid-Geomyid (small tree, or ground, squirrel; or gopherlike rodent) 
Castor canadensis (beaver) 
Erethizon dorsatum (porcupine) 
Carnivores 

Cam's familiarisjlatrans (dog/coyote) 

Urocyon cinereoargenteus, probably scotti (ssp?) (gray fox) 

Ursus sp. (bear) 

Lynx rufus, probably baikyi (ssp?) (bobcat) 
Artiodactyls 

(?) Cervus canadensis (wapiti, American elk) 

Odocoileus hemionus (mule deer) 

Antilocapra americana (pronghorn) 

(?) Ovis canadensis (bighorn) 

138 



Birds 

Buteo jamaicensis (red-tailed hawk) 
Aquila chrysaetos (golden eagle) 
Meleagris gallopavo (turkey) 

Resume of Faunal List 

Seventeen identifications have been assigned to the Tse-ta'a faunal specimens. Fourteen 
are mammals and three are birds. Taxonomic levels are indicated in the resume list below. 
Bobcat occurred only in the artifact collection ; man, cottontail, the small rodent, the bear, and 
the raptorial birds occur only in the general collection. All the rest are common to both. 

Mammals 

Primates 1 (1 sp.) 

Lagomorphs 2 (2 sp.) 

Rodents 3 (1 superfamily, 1 sp.) 

Carnivores 4 (1 family, 3 sp.) 

Artiodactyls 4 (4 sp.) 

Total 14 

Birds 

Raptorine 2 (2 sp.) 

Gallinaceous 1 (1 sp.) 

Total 3 

Total birds and mammals 17 



Table 


1 . — Quantitative 


distribution of faunal remains by / 


novenience and 


species, 


7^p- 


'd'a 












SPECIES 










-o 












^ 














^^ 


















o 












a 














o 


















>. 




























_x 
















E 
o 

(V 






w 






c 

6) 

On 


o 

5 






o 

S 






c 
on 


o 


on 






PROVENIENCE 


D 

5 


_o 

_o 

o 

u 



p 
o 


o 

o 

D 
U 


5 

> 
o 


6) 

c 

a 

D 
U 

o 


o 

o 
u 

On 

o 


X 

O 


o 


"c 
O 

c 

'e 


CD 

'> 
5 


_* 


5 


c 

00 

■p 
> 

o 


c 



_c 

CD 

c 
o 


c 



_c 

01 


"5 

E 
E 


5 


'5 

-6 
6> 




c 














<J 


CO 


CD 


Q_ 


Q 


u 


CD 


az. | kj 


uu 


Q 


CO 


Cu 


CO 


oi 





"- 


•" 


Str. 3, floor 


2 
































1 






1 


4 


Str. 4, floor A 


- 


1 






































1 


Str. 15 


- 


1 


























1 












2 


Str. 19 


1 


1 




































1 


3 


Str. 20 
Str. 21-3 
Str. 21-4 
Str. 21-5 
Str. 26-3 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


2 


- 


- 


- 


2 


- 


- 


- 


4 

1 

4 

1 

8 


- 


2 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


2 


- 


2 


- 


- 


- 


1 


2 
















— 1 


1 






2 



139 



Table 1 . — Quantitative distribution of faunal remains by provenience and species, Tse-ta'a — Continued 



PROVENIENCE 



SPECIES 







T> 












^^ 














^^^ 






1 












































O 












o 














O 












> 




























_x 










E 
o 






IV 






c 
o-> 


o 

e 

0"> 

■TO 
> 

5 






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Str. A-4, R 



Str. 26-4 

Str. 26-A 

Str. 27 

Str. 27-3 

Str. 30-A 

Str. 30-3 

Str. 32-8 

Str. 34 

Str. 38 

Str. 40 

Str. 41-1 

Str. 45-1 

Str. 45-2 

Str. 45-3 

Str. 46, floor 

Str. 46-1 

Str. 46-2 

Str. 46-3 

Str. 46-3' 

Str. 46-4 

Str. 47-2 

Str. 54-4 

Str. 54-E-5 

Str. 55-3 

Str. 55-4 

Str. 55, floor 

Str. 56, floor 

Str. 56-2 

Str. 57-2 

Str. 57-3 

Str. 59-5 

m. 22, floor 

Str. B-1 

Str. B-2 

Str. B-3 

Str. C-1 

Str. C-3 

Str. C-4 

Str. C-5 

Str. D-1 

Str. E-1 

Str. F-4 

Str. F-5 

Str. G-1 

Str. G-3 

Str. 1-1 

Str. I-3 

Total 



10 



1 



2 
47 



1 
1 

13 



11 



1 
11 



1 
1 

6 
1 

32 



1 
1 
2 

16 
2 

32 
3 

58 
8 
5 
2 

44 
1 
1 
6 

93 

23 



1 
326 



40 



Table 2. — Percentage composition of the general faunal collection, Tse-ta'a 
[Canid bones referred to another investigator not included] 

Number of Percent of 

specimens total 

Total sample 485 1 00 

Mammals, unknown 8 2 

Total identified sample 477 1 00 

Mammals (149) (31) 

Man 10 2 

Lagomorphs 60 12 

Rodents 6 1 

Carnivores 13 3 

Artiodactyls 60 12 

Birds (328) (69) 

Turkey 326 68 

Raptors 2 1 

Notes on the Collections 

Mammals and Birds, Unknown 

Eight unknown mammal specimens in the general collection are, for the most part, rib 
sections, elements from very immature individuals, or fragments of appendicular long bones. 
None bear characteristics which can be compared with controls with any degree of confidence. 
They are, however, recognized as mammals. There were no unidentified bird specimens in the 
general collection 

In the artifact sample the proportion of unknowns is greater. Ten specimens could be as- 
signed to neither bird nor mammal, 23 examples are unknown mammals, and 2 examples are 
referred to birds, general. These higher values from the artifact collection reflect the modified 
condition of the bone artifact. 

It should also be noted, however, that in the Tse-ta'a bone artifacts a high frequency of tools 
made from the splintered shafts of long bones was observed. Few useful characteristics occur 
in this region. 

Two percent of the specimens in the general collection remain unidentified, but 43 percent 
of the artifacts are unknown. 

Man 

The human skeletal material found in the general collection consists of a few widely scattered 
elements and are included here solely to note their presence. What meager information can be 
gained from them is noted under "Minimum Faunal Counts." In one instance, several phalanges 
from the hand of one individual were derived from the floor of Structure 22 (Sec. A-4). No 
human bones occurred in the artifact collection. 

Lagomorphs 

This order constitutes 1 2 percent of the general collection. All specimens have been identified 
to species. Two species are present. Black-tailed jackrabbits (L. calif ornicus), 47 examples, pre- 
dominate in this order. Cottontails (S. auduboni), 13 examples, are relatively rare. The 

141 



jackrabbit-cottontail ratio is 3.6:1. Jackrabbits rank second after turkey in the number of 
specimens present and are the mammal species having highest frequency in the collection. 

Lagomorphs and artiodactyls have equal numbers of specimens (60) and are tied for second 
place in the summarized faunal list. Together they constitute the bulk of the mammal remains 
identified. Both the black-tailed jackrabbit and cottontail are expected species in the site area 
today. 

Lagomorphs account for 15 percent of the artifacts (7 specimens). All are black-tailed 
jackrabbit. They are the second most numerous mammal species found in the artifact collection, 
but they are greatly outweighed by the artiodactyls, which constitute 57 percent of the artifacts. 

Rodents 

All but one example of the true rodents have been identified to species. Identification of 
the single exception has been narrowed to three possible genera and reflects gaps in the com- 
parative collections rather than condition of the specimen or its rarity. The specimen compares 
favorably with Sciurus and Citellus in some features, with Geomys in others. 

Rodents account for only 1 percent (6 examples) of the general collection and rank sixth in 
number of specimens. No examples were found in the artifact collection. Both porcupine and 
beaver are expected species; more precise identification of the smaller type may yield additional 
habitat information on the site. 

Carnivores 

Carnivores constitute 3 percent of the general collection (13 examples). It is the fourth 
largest order in number of specimens. In the artifacts, carnivores make up 13 percent of the 
collection with 6 examples. 

Canids comprise 2 percent of the general collection, 8 percent of the artifacts. All specimens 
have been grouped under the combined category: dog/coyote. This was done to indicate, 
primarily, the absence of wolf. The character of the specimens suggests a fairly large animal 
but heavier bones and more ruggedly built than coyote, and they are probably all dog. One 
specimen of Urocyon, the gray fox, was identified in the general collection. 

Felids. No felid remains were found in the general collection. However, two bone artifacts 
made from bobcat (Lynx rufus) long bones were identified. The presence of bobcat in the de 
Chelly region is to be expected. The number of specimens would represent only a trace, less 
than 1 percent of the sample. Two individuals are present. 

Ursids are represented by a single element. No indication of the species can be given on 
this example, a fragmentary humerus. It is larger than elements from the one example of 
black bear in the comparative collection at the Southwest Archeological Center, but the sex of 
this individual is unknown. The archeological specimen is from a probable Basketmaker III 
horizon. 

Artiodactyls 

Eleven examples could be carried no further than Ruminant in identification. Five specimens 

1 12 



were designated Cervid with no indication of species; one specimen has been provisionally assigned 
to Cervus on the basis of size; and 32 examples were carried to species: Odocoileus hemionus (mule 
deer). Deer make up the third largest species in the general collection, although artiodactyls 
account for only 12 percent of the general collection. In the artifacts, artiodactyls account for 
57 percent of the collection (26 specimens), and deer constitute more than half of this group (15 
examples). One specimen of antler was present in the general collection: a branch tine higher 
than bez. 

Bovoidea. Where identification has been narrowed to pronghorn, bighorn, and domestic 
sheep/goats (and deer have been ruled out), this category heading has been used. It is useful 
in the Tse-ta'a collections where no cattle or bison elements have been found. Three examples 
have been placed in this category. If deer could not be excluded, the designation has been 
thrown back to Ruminant. 

Antilocapra. Pronghorn is represented by six specimens in the general collection, three in 
the artifacts. One specimen of interest is the left cornus process with portions of the orbital 
border and frontal of a large, and probably old, male. 

Ovis. Bighorn are represented by two specimens in the general collection, by one 
specimen in the artifacts. It is a somewhat questionable category and is preceded by a (?) in 
the faunal list. The identification is based on both morphology and prehistoric context,* bearing 
in mind the possibility that domesticated sheep/goat remains from the Navajo levels of the site 
might have become intrusive into earlier levels. The range of available comparative material 
is not extensive enough to rule out this possibility. 

To summarize the artiodactyls, the presence of deer and pronghorn have been established 
in the Tse-ta'a samples, and certain specimens warrant the inclusion of elk and bighorn. 

Birds 

Three bird species, two raptorial and one gallinaceous form, compose the identified avian 
remains. Although the number of species is, thus, not great, bird remains account for 69 percent 
of the general sample and for 15 percent of the artifacts. 

All bird specimens in the general collection have been carried to species, all but two in the 
artifact collection. The size of the turkey sample offers good potential for observations on 
pathology, sex ratios and age groupings, and other population data. The preponderance of 
turkey over other taxonomic categories is, perhaps, the only unique observation made on 
Tse-ta'a collections. 

The skew from the more common distributions of faunal remains found in the plateau region 
of the Southwest for the cultural periods involved — in which several of the larger lagomorphs, 
rodents, and deer make up as large a part of the sample as do all the birds — may be considered 
a compounding of effect resulting from excavation selectivity of specimens plus what can be 
shown to be a real concentration of turkey remains through the several levels of one group of 
structures. Reduction of this data to minimum faunal count modifies the distribution somewhat, 
however. 

143 



The two raptors (red-tailed hawk and golden eagle) are represented by one specimen each. 
Turkeys constitute 68 percent (326 specimens) of the general collection. They were concen- 
trated in five structures: 46, 54, 55, 57, and 59, with a scattering through other structures. 
They reached highest frequency in Structure 54, level 4. In the artifacts, only turkey was found. 
Distribution followed closely that of the same species in the general collection. 

Pathology 

Two cases of bone pathology have been noted. These are turkey bones from the general 
collection and are examples of fractured skeletal elements which had healed during the lives of 
the birds. Both show misalinement and osseous overgrowths and irregularities. They are illus- 
trated in plate I, a and g. 

One specimen, a right coracoid of an adult female, shows fracture of the body at about 
midpoint with pronounced displacement. The second is a right ulna of an adult female with 
shaft fracture and minor displacement at a point about 1% inches in from the distal head. 

Condition at Deposition 

A group of turkey specimens from structure 40 are of some interest. All are from the same 
individual. The left tarsometatarsus, left tibiotarsus, and two proximal phalanges are present 
together with the "tibiotarsal splints" commonly found in the heavy muscles of the "drumstick." 
The elements are the remains of the left leg and foot of a large male turkey. Presence of the 
splints would indicate discard or burial while the appendage was still flesh covered and articu- 
lated. This group of specimens is attributed to a Basketmaker Ill-Pueblo I context. 

Etat Physique 

Treatment or history of some of the skeletal specimens in the Tse-ta'a collection after death 
of the animal is indicated for about nine examples in the general collection. These are in addition 
to the artifact collection. The specimens show evidence of butchering, primary working of raw 
materials, and rodent activity on stored or discarded elements. There is also evidence of etching 
by root action, differential preservation and color, of effects due to the character of the matrix 
of the deposits, and drainage. 

Rodent activity. Three specimens — a bear right humerus, a rib, and a lumbar vertebra of 
immature ruminants — carry on their surfaces and edges the paired parallel scars of some small 
rodent incisors. The rodent tooth scars indicate two forms: one of about the size of Neotoma 
or smaller and a minute series attributable to some form of mouse. In addition, the Ursid 
specimen bears hacking or cutting scars near the epiphysial region of the distal head. (See 
plate I, / and //.) 

Butchering. Four examples, all but one from pronghorn, show transverse cutting scars — ■ 
generally attributable to dismemberment and butchering activities. Two of these specimens 
are fragmentary distal heads of humeri. The third is a partial cornus process. The scars occur 
on the process at point of maximum diameter, immediately above the root constriction. One 
example of the humeri is moderately charred. One specimen exhibits abrasive smoothing of a 

144 



fractured surface on the epiphysial cap where portions of the medial condyle and epicondyle 
have been removed. 

The fourth example (pi. I, d), a fragment of a ruminant right innominate, including the 
acetabulum, displays parallel transverse-cut edges extending onto the acetabular lip and crossing 
the dorsal iliac-ischial surface. The cuts had removed the tabular surface, exposing the cancel- 
lous tissue of this thickened region. They were deep and straight and were probably intended 
to reduce the element in size and square it up. 

Shaping and use. Two specimens show primary shaping by notching and cutting. One, a 
trough-shaped splinter of long bone, has part of a channel encircling the shaft at one end. This 




plate i. Examples of modified skeletal elements from the Tse-ta'a faunal collection. 
Row 1. (top, left to right) 

(a) Turkey right ulna, showing healed fracture. 

(b) Worked artiodactyl metapodial. 

(c) Worked fragment, appendicular long bone. 

(d) Worked right innominate of ruminant. 

(e) Canid right scapula, showing abraded surface of blade. 
Row 2. (center) 

(f) Artiodactyl rib with rodent incisor scars on upper edge, left corner. 
Row 3. (bottom, left to right) 

(g) Turkey right coracoid, showing healed fracture and displacement. 

(h) Artiodactyl vertebra with rodent gnawing-scars on edge of transverse process. 

(photo by r. g. vivian ; scale: x 1.25) 



rSG-OGG O— «6- 



-11 



145 



girdling scar was made by sawing and cutting preparatory to breaking the shaft transversely. 
The break scar is also present. The specimen (pi. I, c) is probably a discard from tool-making 
activities. 

The second example is the distal head and fragmentary shaft of an artiodactyl metapodial 
showing the familiar channel cut along the midline on both anterior and posterior faces of the 
shaft. This channel made lengthwise splitting of the element into two long pieces much easier. 
When split, each piece retains an intact condyle; and fragments of this type were commonly 
worked into handled awls. There are transverse "butchering" scars present around the neck of 
this example also. (See plate I, b.) 

The third specimen is a canid right scapula. The flat ventral surface of this example shows 
coarse striae from abrasion. In addition, the inferior and medial borders have been worn away 
and thinned by some scraping and rubbing use of the bone (pi. I, e). 

All of these examples are from the larger ruminants, except the one canid element. Although 
both lagomorphs and turkeys were utilized in toolmaking — evidenced by specimens in the artifact 
collection — they do not occur in this collection of worked bone. Ruminants, it is suggested, 
present more of a problem in butchering than animals in the size range of jackrabbit, 
cottontail, or turkey, hence the butchering scars. Both dogs and bobcats have some bones, such 
as the ulna, which are particularly well suited to toolmaking by the shapes, hardness, and 
compactness of the bony tissue. Turkey long bones, on the other hand, are commonly used for 
bone tubes and long cylindrical hollow bone awls. 



The Bone Artifacts 

All but one of the 81 bone artifacts from Tse-ta'a were examined for identification. One 
specimen (24/301) was not available for study, but a photograph attached to the catalog card 
was sufficient to indicate the splinter character of this awl. It has been assigned to unknown 
mammals. Seven specimens have been assigned to ruminants with no indication of species. The 
remaining 39 examples in the collection were identified to genus and species. (See tables 3 and 4.) 
Mammals 

Lagomorphs 7 (all Lepus calif ornicus) 

Carnivores 6 (dog/coyote, and bobcat) 

Artiodactyls 19 (deer, pronghorn, bighorn) 

Birds 

Turkey 7 

The greatest number of specimens occurring in a stratigraphic unit was four examples. The 
distribution by archeological units is extremely spotty and generally diffuse. 

Artifacts made from turkey skeletal elements do not reflect the numerical weighting but 
do parallel distribution of the general Meleagris remains. No minimum faunal count was 
attempted on the identified bone artifacts, except Lynx rufus: two individuals, both adult males. 

146 



Table 3. — Quantitative distribution of bone artifacts by provenience and species, Tse-tai'a 





SPECIES 


PROVENIENCE 








g 

5 

c 








g 

5 

c 






"O 






IB 

_o 

o 

u 

o 


0) 

o 
o 

o 

en 

O 

Q 


o 
u 

_o 
o 

CO 


CD 

c 
o 

c 

E 

3 

cm 


5 

en 

a 


c 

O 

_c 
en 
c 
o 


C 

o 

_c 
en 

65 


en 

"5 

E 
E 
o 

5 


>- 

1— 


g 

5 

c 
en 
en 

-g 

65 


^5 

"5 

E 
E 
o 

5 


P 

o 

1— 


Str. 40 






1 


















1 


Str. 41 


— 


— 


— 


1 


2 





— 


— 





— 


— 


3 


Str. 42, floor 






















1 


1 


Str. 43, floor 


— 


— 


— 


— 


2 





— 


— 





— 


1 


3 


Str. 44, fill 


— 


1 




















1 


Str. 44, 1 foot above floor 


— 


1 




















1 


Str. 44, floor 
















1 








1 


Str. 44, outside 








1 
















1 


Str. 45-1 


1 






















1 


Str. 45-2 


1 






















1 


Str. 45-3 


— 


1 




















1 


Str. 46-2 


— 


— 


— 


— 


2 





— 


— 





— 


1 


3 


Str. 46-3 


















1 






1 


Str. 46, floor 


1 






















1 


Str. 47-4 


— 


— 


— 


— 


— 





— 


2 


1 


— 


— 


3 


Str. 47-5 


1 


















1 


— 


2 


Str. between 47/45 












1 












1 


Str. southeast of 47 






1 


















1 


Str. 48 near floor 
















1 








1 


Str. 49-2 






















1 


1 


Str. 49-4 






















1 


1 


Str. 50-2 


















1 






1 


Str. 50, near floor 








1 
















1 


Str. 51-1 
















1 






1 


2 


Str. 52-1 






















1 


1 


Str. 53-1 




















1 


— 


1 


Str. 53, floor 








1 








1 








2 


Str. 54-E-3 


















1 






1 


Str. 54-E-5 


1 






1 








1 








3 


Str. 54-W-4 


— 


— 


— 


— 


— 


1 


— 


2 





— 


— 


3 


Str. 55-1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


M 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. 55-2 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


1 


2 


- 


- 


4 


Str. 55-3 


2 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


1 


- 


— 


- 


- 


4 


Str. 55, Banquette 


- 


- 


- 


- 


2 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


3 


Str. 55, 3 inches above floor 






















1 


1 


Str. 55, floor 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. 56, 4 feet below fill top 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. 56-1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. 56, 2 1 /2 feet above floor 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. 57-3 


- 


- 


- 


- 


3 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


4 


Str. 57, floor 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. 58, top of wall 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. C-2 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. G-3 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. H-1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. H-2 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


1 


3 



Photo studied; specimen not examined. 



147 



Table 3. — Quantitative distribution 


of bone artifacts 


by pi 


'ovemence and sp 


xies, 


Tse-ta?a — 


Continued 




SPECIES 










a 








o 










PROVENIENCE 








0) 

c 








c 




^-s 


"O 






IB 

_D 
D 

_5£ 

U 
D 


6) 

O 

o 
u 

00 

o 
Q 


a 
u 

_D 

O 

CO. 


00 

C 

a 

c 

'e 

Qi 


S 
Q 


c 

o 

_c 

00 

c 
o 

CL 


c 

o 

_c 

CO 
CO 


00 

"5 . 

E 
E 
a 

5 




o 
5 

c 

0) 

00 

65 


13 

~o 

E 
E 
o 

5 


o 

o 

1— 


Str. 1-2 


_ 


_ 


_ 


_ 


_ 


_ 


_ 


1 


_ 


_ 


_ 


1 


Str. 1-4 


- 


- 


— t 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. J-2 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Str. K-1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


1 


2 


Str. K-2 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Burial 21 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


- 


1 


- 


- 


- 


1 


Total 


7 


4 


2 


7 


15 


3 


1 


23 


7 


2 


10 


81 



Table 4. — Percentage composition of the bone artifact collection, Tse-ta'a 



Total sample 

Mammal/bird, unknown 

Mammal, unknown 

Bird, unknown 

Total, unknown 

Total identified sample 

Mammals 

Lagomorphs 

Carnivores 

Artiodactyls 

Birds 

Turkey 

1 One specimen; photograph only examined. 



Number of 


Percent 


specimens 


total 


'81 


100 


10 


12 


23 


29 


2 


2 


35 


43 


46 


100 


(39) 


(85) 


7 


15 


6 


13 


26 


57 


(7) 


5) 


7 


15 



Minimum Faunal Counts 

Minimum faunal counts (MFC) of individuals in each taxonomic category are listed in 
table 5 by cultural horizons. These counts provide a uniform quantitative base for comparisons 
of faunal samples from several sites, or from differing horizons in the same site. The methods 
used to derive these values are those of Leroi-Gourhan (1952). 

Counts were determined for the smallest units used by the excavator, that is, stratigraphic 
levels in structures. It might have been more realistic to have based these estimates on structure 
or room totals, on the assumption that the skeletal elements of one individual might very well have 
become separated into different samples by level during excavation. This would be less likely to 



148 



occur between samples from differing structures. However, a faunal count based on this method 
would result, in general, in lower MFC values, rather than an increase. 

In the general collection, turkeys still rank first with 63 individuals. The greatest number of 
these occurred on the floor of Structure 55, where nine individuals were present. 

Five samples of mammals were found, representing three species. 

Lepus 2 Structure 54, Level 4. 

Sylvilagus 2 Structure 30, Level 3. 

Odocoileus 2 Structure 20. 

2 Structure 45, Level 2. 

2 Section G, Level 3. 

Lepus (jackrabbit) is the mammal species having highest total frequency of individuals (26), 
followed closely by Odocoileus (deer) with 21 individuals. Sylvilagus (cottontail) ranks third with 
10 examples. 




149 



Table 5. — Minimum jaunal counts, Tse-tcfa 
[P: Probable occurrence, not verified morphologically; ( ): assignment to horizon uncertain (Provenience: SE of Str. 47)] 





CULTURAL HORIZON 


Total 






Primary series 


Supple- 
mental 
series 




CATEGORY 


1 

DO 

1 
1 


a. 
1 

CO 

1 
1 


Q_ 

2 

1 

1 

1 

2 

P 
P 


Q_ 

I 

a. 


Q_ 


a. 

j_ 


Q_ 


Late Pill— 1 8th 

century Hopi 


o 

o 

> 

o 

Z 

j_ 

cT 


o 

o 

> 

o 

Z 

Q_ 

J_ 

a! 


o 
o 

> 

D 

Z 


K. 

i 
a. 


> 
i 

D- 


O 

o 

> 

D 

Z 
i 


Comments 


Man 

Jackrabbit 

Cottontail 

Small rodent 

Porcupine 

Beaver 

Dog/coyote 

Gray fox 

Bear 

Bobcat 

Elk 

Deer 

Pronghorn 

Bighorn 

Red-tailed hawk 

Golden eagle 

Turkey 


2 
1 

1 

2 

1 

2 
1 

4 


1 

P 

1 


1 

2 
1 

1 

3 

1 
3 


1 

15 
5 

(D 
6 

3 

1 

1 

52 


1 


1 
1 

P 
1 

1 

1 


2 


1 
1 


1 
1 
1 

1 

2 

P 
P 


1 
1 

1 


1 
1 


4 

26 

10 

1 
1 
1 
5 

1 
1 
2 

(1P) 
21 

OP) 

(2P) 
2 

(2P) 
1 

1 
63 


One adult male,- one adult, sex 

unknown,- one sub-adult male 

(?),- one child. 
Range: immature to adult. Sexes 

unknown. 
Range: immature to adult. Sexes 

unknown. 
One adult; sex unknown. 
One adult; sex unknown. 
One adult; sex unknown. 
Range: young adult to full adult. 

Str. 26, levels 3 and 4: same 

individual on evidence of bone 

physical state. 
One adult; sex unknown. 
One large adult, male (?). 
Artifacts. Adult males. 
Young adult, sex unknown. 
Young sub-adult to full adult: 

\Yz to 3 1 /2 year groupings,- both 

sexes. 
All adult,- one specimen is old 

adult male. 
Adults, sex unknown. 

Adult, sex unknown. 
Adult, sex unknown 
Great age range: very immature 
to old adult,- both sexes. 



150 



Discussion 

Charted MFC values show these changes in faunal species and fluctuations in numbers: 
a predominance of hunted forms in relatively low numbers and few species during Basketmaker 

III and Pueblo I; a slight increase in types and numbers during Pueblo II; and an abrupt and 
marked rise in turkey utilization during Pueblo III which is paralleled by all mammal species — 
but not to the same degree. This burst of increased faunal usage dies away abruptly in Pueblo 

IV and finally ends in 18th century Hopi and Navajo reliance on a few hunted species. 

The single occurrence of bear is in a Basketmaker III context. Turkey appears first as an 
instance of inhumation or discard of the fleshed bird in Basketmaker Ill-Pueblo I. These birds 
show a slight increase in Pueblo II, which is followed by the great increase of Pueblo III. In 
Pueblo IV, 18th century Hopi, and Navajo horizons, some samples of which are mixed, the turkey 
is once again represented by single individuals. The order of fluctuation from Basketmaker III 
to Navajo is 1:4:3:52:1. 

Jackrabbits and cottontails were not present in the Basketmaker III samples but occur first in 
the Pueblo I collection. Jackrabbits show the expected increase through Pueblo II and Pueblo 
III with reduction in later samples. Cottontails reflect the Pueblo III increase but are rare in 
earlier and later samples. Bobcat is first found in a Basketmaker Ill-Pueblo I horizon as an 
artifact. 

Deer are present through all horizons but are few in number until Pueblo III, an indication 
perhaps of a fairly constant reliance on a common faunal resource. But probably beginning 
in Pueblo II and extending through Pueblo III, bighorn, pronghorn, and possibly elk were 
added, a reflection perhaps of wider ranging hunting and more intensive hunting methods. 
Pronghorn and deer persist into the Navajo levels, but the greatest number of pronghorns occur 
in Pueblo III. 

The true rodents and the carnivores are weakly represented in the Tse-ta'a materials. The 
true rodents are found first in a Pueblo I-Pueblo II context with porcupine. Beaver is added in 
Pueblo II-Pueblo III and a smaller rodent in a Pueblo I-Pueblo III mixed association. All in 
all, a low order of use is indicated for true rodents in this site. 

Canids occurred in Pueblo I, Pueblo I-Pueblo II, and in mixed samples Pueblo I-Pueblo 
III, Pueblo I-Pueblo IV. Not all of the canid specimens are present in the material considered 
here, however. Gray fox was found in a Pueblo I-Pueblo II context. 

Of the raptorial birds, golden eagle occurred in a Pueblo III association; the hawk in a 
Pueblo III or later horizon. Domestication of the turkey is strongly indicated for the Pueblo III 
sample by the wide range of age groups observed and the presence of both sexes. Whether 
birds of the earlier horizons represent hunted individuals or smaller flocks in domestication is 
unknown. 

If it is assumed that there was a direct association between community size and faunal use, 
the Tse-ta'a faunal record suggests a greater population at this site during Pueblo III, an increase 
which probably originated in Pueblo II and which relied more heavily on local faunal resources, 

151 



as well as increased domestication of the turkey. This increase terminated after Pueblo III, 
with a return to a lower rate of faunal usage continuing into the Navajo horizon. This does 
not, however, indicate a low Navajo population, because the excavator notes that great quan- 
tities of domestic sheep and goat remains were found in this horizon. Neither horse nor domestic 
cattle remains were observed. 

It is the intent — and, indeed, the hope — of these studies to be able to isolate faunal groupings 
represented in southwestern archeological sites which may serve as "tag elements" reflecting 
the ebb and flow of the human condition as it changes through time and across space. 

It follows from these considerations that some members of the native fauna may fluctuate 
directly with human population changes and site size. Some may vary inversely with these 
changes, or may function independent of human factors of influence. What is probably nearer 
the truth is a combination of these possibilities, resulting in a faunal "spectrum," essentially 
the "signature" for a site during the time period covered. 

The value of the Tse-ta'a collections rests in their derivation from a long cultural sequence 
and the relatively large amount of material salvaged. It is clear that the Lagomorphs and the 
Artiodactyls provide the framework of faunal usage at Tse-ta'a, that carnivores and true 
rodents have little long-term reliability, and that a fowl, probably under domestication, dominates 
faunal usage during at least one period. All these observations are considered direct relation- 
ships to be further explored. 

Summary 

Four hundred and eighty-five specimens of faunal remains from the archeological site 
Tse-ta'a, Canyon de Chelly National Monument, northeastern Arizona, were examined for 
taxonomic identification and other information. Fourteen mammal species and three bird 
species were found to be present, as well as several more general classification categories. 

Birds, predominantly turkey, were highest in frequency of elements and individuals. In 
frequency counts by provenience, they were, however, confined more closely to specific portions 
of the site. Mammals were highest in number of species identified but diffuse in distribution 
throughout the site. 

Eighty-one bone artifacts were also examined. Identification was more difficult, owing to 
shaping of the artifacts and other factors. The high incidence of turkey remains is not reflected 
in the artifact collection; however, distribution was widely diffuse, suggesting selectivity in the 
choice of raw materials for bone tools. 

Examples of healed fractures in bird bones were present. Modification of the material 
includes rodent teeth marks, "butchering scars," and cut and abraded surfaces resulting from use. 

Most of the animals could still be found in the surrounding environment of the site. Dogs 
and turkeys are the probable domesticated species. The raptorine birds, bobcat, and the small 
squirrel or gopher-like rodent are the immediate habitat indicators. Bear, pronghorn, and 
bighorn are rare or have been eliminated in historic times from the area. There are no modern 

152 



records for elk in the Canyon de Chelly region. The area has been considered as a distributional 
gap between C. canadensis on the north and east and C. merriami to the south. Cervus merriami 
is considered to be extinct. 

The Tse-ta'a general faunal collection is noteworthy for its high incidence of bird remains, 
most of which are turkey. These can be shown to cluster in habitation units and are considered 
evidence of intensive domestication of these birds. 

The raptores are types expected in the area, particularly where the presence of suitable 
rests and nesting sites occur nearby. 

In contrast to the great numbers of birds and few species, the mammals are highest in 
frequency of species present, although much lower in numerical strength. Wider general use 
of available mammalian resources is indicated. 



Reference Cited 

LEROI-GOURHAN, A. 

1952. Etude des Vestiges Zoologiques, in La Decouverte du Passe. A. Laming, editor, Edi- 
tions A. et J. Picard& Cie., 363 pp., Paris, (pp. 137-139). 



153 



INDEX 



Abajo Red-on-orange. See Pottery types. 

Abel, Leland J.— 88 

Arrow shaft — 68 

Aubuchon, John — 91 

Ax, hafted — 67 

Aztec Ruins — 46 

Basketmaker: 

bone tools — -29 

farming methods, postulated — 24 

pithouses— 1 8, 19, 23, 26 

population estimate — 24 

pottery — 29 
Basketmaker II, possible structure — 19, 23 
Betatakin Black-on -white. See Pottery types. 
Big Bead Mesa — 67 
Bison hide, found with seed cache — 62 
Black Mesa Black-on -white. See Pottery types. 
Bluff Black-on-red. See Pottery types. 
Bluff-La Plata Black-on -red. See Pottery types. 
Brew, John Otis— 29, 86 
Brown, Shorty — 24 
Brown ware. See Pottery types. 
Burials : 

accidental— 20, 48, 56, 76 

coyote — 71, 76, 134 

dog— 71, 72, 131 

Hopi — 56 

in kiva — 48 

pathology— 71, 72, 78, 127 

position of — 72 
Canyon de Che 11 y: 

arable lands — 25 

archeological work — 3 

erosion — 6, 53 

population, prehistoric — 115 

soils — 7 
Canyon de Chelly ruins: 

Antelope House — 46, 91 

Mindeleff's Site 26—1 

Mummy cave — 4, 91, 117 

Tseh-ya-tso — 4, 117 

White House— 91 

Wild Cherry— 6 



Canyon del Muerto — 4 

Chaco II Black-on -white. See Pottery types. 

Chaco III Black-on -white. See Pottery types. 

Chaco subculture — 44, 46 

Charlie, Stephen — 6, 24, 25, 67 

Chinle Valley— 3, 81 

Cibola White Ware. See Pottery types. 

Coffin, Louis — 64 

Colton, Harold S— 29, 57, 83, 85, 88, 91, 92 

Cordage, yucca — 68 

Corrugated Pottery. See Pottery types. 

Cortez Black-on-white. See Pottery types. 

Coyote. See Burials. 

Cucurbit, seed cache — 62 

Cucurbits — 68 

Culin, Stewart — 66 

Deadmans Black-on-red. See Pottery types. 

Deadmans Black -on -white. See Pottery types. 

DeHarport, David— 1, 2, 24, 43, 46, 55, 117 

Diegueno Indians' pipes — 96 

Dog. See Burials. 

Dogoszhi Black-on -white. See Pottery types. 

Emery, Irene — -57 

Erosion. See Canyon de Chelly. 

Euler, Robert C— 106 

Farmer, Malcolm F. — 3 

Ferdon, Edwin N., Jr. — 44 

Figurines. See Navajo figurines. 

Flagstaff Black-on -white. See Pottery types. 

Forestdale Smudged. See Pottery types. 

Franciscan Fathers — 66, 67 

Fugitive Red. See Pottery types. 

Gallup Black-on-white. See Pottery types. 

Glycymeris sp. — 106 

Great Kivas — -46 

Guillet, Meredith M. — 1 

Haile, Father Berard — 68 

Hargrave, Lyndon L.— 29, 57, 83, 88, 92, 137 

Hawikuh— 110 

Hawikuh Glaze-on-white. See Pottery types. 

Hematite tools — 103 

Hill, W. W — 66 

Hodge, Frederick W— 98, 110, 112 



155 



Holbrook Black-on-white. See Pottery types. 
Homolovi Corrugated. See Pottery types. 
Hopi: 

abandoned houses — 116 

basketry — 56 

burials — 56, 78 

clan legends — 65 

corncrib, possible — 56 

occupation of Canyon de Chelly — 53 

population movements — 116 

pottery. See Pottery types. 

sherd discs — 98 

textiles — 57 
Jeddito Plain. See Pottery types. 
Jeddito Stippled. See Pottery types. 
Jones, Volney H. — 106 
Judd, Neil M— 96, 110 
Kana'a Black-on -white. See Pottery types. 
Kana'a Gray. See Pottery types. 
Kayenta Black-on -red. See Pottery types. 
Kayenta Polychrome. See Pottery types. 
Keur, Dorothy Louise — 67 
Kidder, Alfred Vincent — 109 
Kietsiel Polychrome. See Pottery types. 
Kivas: 

Pueblo 11—16, 17, 37 

Pueblo III— 16, 19, 20, 21, 44 

without ventilator — 50 
Kwaituki Polychrome. See Pottery types. 
La Plata Black-on-red. See Pottery types. 
Lino Black-on-gray. See Pottery types. 
Lino Gray. See Pottery types. 
Lino Gray, fugitive red. See Pottery types. 
Lowry Ruin — 46 
Luiseho Indians' pipes — 96 
McCown, B. E— 96 

McElmo Black-on-white. See Pottery types. 
MacSparron, L. H. — 7, 64 
Mancos Black-on -white. See Pottery types. 
Martin, Paul S.— 26 
Matthews, Washington — 67 
Mesa Verde Black-on -white. See Pottery 

types. 
Mesa Verde, colonies in Canyon de Chelly — 53 
Mesa Verde National Park — 91 
Mesa Verde subculture — 46 
Mindeleff, Cosmos— 1, 4, 24, 25 
Mindeleff, Victor — 4, 55 
Miniature vessels. See Pottery types. 
Morris, Earl H — 4, 27, 55, 88, 91, 103, 109, 

110, 116 
Naboyia, Chauncey — 8, 66 



Navajo : 

baskets — 12, 66 

bone awl — 67 

corncribs— 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 25, 59 

farming — 24 

figurines — 16 

firepits — 60 

gourd — 67 

husking floors — 60 

kicking game — 66 

"medicine" bundles — 67 

occupation of Tse-ta'a — 5, 6 

ocher — 67 

seasonal occupation of canyons — 116 

sheep and goats — 13 

snowshoes — 67 

stick dice — 66 

stories of Hopi occupation — 55 

textiles — 12, 61 

trade items — 12, 61 

utility ware. See Pottery types. 
O'Connell, Daniel T— 67 
Ocher— 102 
Olivella sp. — 106 

Paiute baskets. See Navajo baskets. 
Pathology. See Burials. 
Payupki, associated with Canyon de Chelly — 

55 
Payupki Black-on -orange. See Pottery types. 
Payupki Polychrome. See Pottery types. 
Pecos classification — 2 
Pipes — 96 

Plain ware. See Pottery types. 
Plain ware, tooled. See Pottery types. 
Polacca Polychrome. See Pottery types. 
Pottery sherds, used as scoops — 98 
Pottery types: 

Abajo Red-on-orange — 29, 86 

Betatakin Black-on-white— 73, 92, 98 

Black Mesa Black-on-white— 40, 72, 98 

Bluff Black-on-red— 40, 88 

Bluff-La Plata Black-on -red— 19, 34, 86, 88 

Brown ware — 34 

Chaco II Black-on-white — 88 

Chaco III Black-on-white — 91 

Cibola White Ware— 91 

Corrugated— 19, 20, 33, 34, 40, 76 

Cortez Black-on-white — 88 

Deadmans Black-on-red— 86, 88, 98 

Deadmans Black-on-white — 34 

Dogoszhi Black-on -white — 33, 34 

Flagstaff Black-on-white — 95 

Forestdale Smudged — 40 



156 



Pottery types — Continued 

Fugitive Red— 34, 86 

Gallup Black-on-white— 40, 88 

Hawikuh Glaze -on -white — 57 

Holbrook Black-on-white — 40, 88 

Homolovi Corrugated — 57 

Jeddito Plain — 57 

Jeddito Stippled — 57 

Kana'a Black-on-white— 17, 40, 72, 74, 75, 
86, 87, 96 

Kana'a Gray— 17, 19, 33, 40, 85, 86 

Kayenta Black-on-red — 1 3 

Kayenta Polychrome — 14, 91 

Kietsiel Polychrome — 91 

Kwaituki Polychrome — 57 

La Plata Black-on-red— 88 

Lino Black-on-gray — 19, 29, 86 

Lino Gray— 24, 29, 34, 40, 76, 83, 86 

Lino Gray, Fugitive Red— 29, 83, 85, 86 

McElmo Black-on-white — 91 

Mancos Black-on-white — 12, 13, 19, 34, 
40, 48, 73, 74, 76, 83, 88, 91, 92, 95, 98 

Mesa Verde Black-on -white — 12, 13, 14, 
15, 34, 47, 48, 56, 74, 76, 91, 95, 98 

Miniature vessels — 74, 76, 95 

Navajo utility ware — 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 
33, 56, 62 

Payupki Black-on-orange — 57 

Payupki Polychrome — 12, 56, 57, 78 

Plain ware— 74, 76, 85, 95 

Plain ware, tooled — 34 

Polacca Polychrome — 57 

St. Johns Polychrome— 12, 14, 15, 56, 91, 
95, 98 

Sosi Black-on-white — 88 

Springerville Polychrome — 76, 91, 95, 98 

Tusayan Black-on-red— 14, 76, 88, 95, 98 

Tusayan Polychrome — 13, 15, 91, 98 

Walnut Black-on-white — 74, 95 

Wingate Black-on-red — 88 
Pueblo I: 

pithouse or kiva — 33 

pottery — 33 

stone — 34 

structures — 31 
Pueblo II: 

pottery — 40 

structures — 37 
Pueblo III: 

structures, north rim — 47 

structures, south rim — 43 



Red and White Canyon, source for ocher — 67 

Reed, Erik K.— 2, 91 

Rio de Chelly, nature of — 25 

Roberts, Frank H. H., Jr.— 2, 27, 33 

St. Johns Polychrome. See Pottery types. 

Sandal — 56 

Seed cache, Navajo — 62 

Simpson, Lt. J. H. — 3 

Smith, Watson — 33 

Sosi Black-on -white. See Pottery types. 

Springerville Polychrome. See Pottery types. 

Stallings, W. S., Jr.— 112 

Stephen, A. M— 98 

Stevenson, James — 4 

Stone : 

a br ader , arrow-shaft — ■ 1 03 

ax, fully-grooved — 103 

ax, %-grooved — 103 

celt— 103 

hematite axes — 103 

knife— 103 

metates and manos — 101 

mortars and pestles — 74, 102 

scrapers or knives — 103 
Stubbs, Stanley A.— 1 12, 116 
Tchamahia — 103 
Throwing stick — 56 
Tse-bi-t'a'i (Shiprock) — 8 
Tse-ta'a: 

distribution of rooms — 4 

Hopi occupation — 14 

meaning — 7 

occupation — 2, 4 
Tusayan Black-on-red. See Pottery types. 
Tusayan Polychrome. See Pottery types. 
United States Playing Card Co. — 64 
University of Arizona — -95 
Van Valkenburgh, Richard F. — 62 
Vestal, Paul A.— 68 
Vivian, R. G— 16, 46 
Walnut Black-on -white. See Pottery types. 
Washington, Col. John M. — 3 
Watson, Don — 110 
Wattle -and-daub construction — 31 
Wetherill, Milton — 91 
Wheeler, S. M— 96 

Wingate Black-on-red. See Pottery types. 
Zia, abandoned houses — -116 
Zuni, abandoned houses — 116 
Zufii Indians, use of sherd discs — 98 
Zuhi pottery. See Pottery types. 



157 



Tse-ta'a Ruin, (a) Profile of 1949 excavations; (b) ground plan and profile, 
Pueblo I structures; (c) ground plans and profiles, Pueblo II structures. 



160 

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